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Next Spanish general election

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Next Spanish general election
Flag of Spain.svg
  2023
No later than 22 August 2027

All 350 seats in the Congress of Deputies and 209 (of 267) seats in the Senate
176 seats needed for a majority in the Congress of Deputies
Opinion polls
  Alberto Nunez Feijoo 2025b (cropped).jpg Pedro Sanchez 2026 (cropped).jpg Santiago Abascal 2025 (cropped).jpg
Leader Alberto Núñez Feijóo Pedro Sánchez Santiago Abascal
Party PP PSOE Vox
Leader since 2 April 2022 18 June 2017 20 September 2014
Leader's seat Madrid Madrid Madrid
Last election137 seats, 33.1%121 seats, 31.7%33 seats, 12.4%
Current seats13712133
Seats neededIncrease2.svg 39Increase2.svg 55Increase2.svg 143

  Portrait placeholder.svg Gabriel Rufian 2022 (cropped).jpg Miriam Nogueras 2015 (cropped).jpg
Leader TBD Gabriel Rufián Míriam Nogueras
Party Un Paso al Frente [a] ERC Junts
Leader since14 October 201912 March 2021
Leader's seat Barcelona Barcelona
Last election26 seats (Sumar) [b] 7 seats, 1.9%7 seats, 1.6%
Current seats2777
Seats neededIncrease2.svg 149 n/a [c] n/a [d]

Next Spanish general election map.svg
Constituencies for the Congress of Deputies

Incumbent Prime Minister

Pedro Sánchez
PSOE



A general election will be held in Spain no later than Sunday, 22 August 2027, [6] to elect the members of the 16th Cortes Generales under the Spanish Constitution of 1978. All 350 seats in the Congress of Deputies will be up for election, as well as 209 of 267 seats in the Senate.

Contents

Following the 2023 election, Pedro Sánchez was able to get re-elected as prime minister of Spain and form a third government—formed by the Spanish Socialist Workers' Party (PSOE) and Sumar—with the support of Together for Catalonia (Junts), in exchange for a controversial amnesty law. Tensions with the opposition People's Party (PP) and far-right Vox dominated Sánchez's third term, as well as an unraveling international situation (with the ongoing war in Ukraine, the Gaza genocide, the tariff policy of the second Trump administration, and the 2026 Iran war and its economic impact), economic growth amid a rising cost of living (together with an affordable housing crisis), and a number of corruption probes affecting the government (mainly, the Koldo case). Also notable were the alleged mismanagements of a number of environmental disasters by PP-controlled administrations (particularly the 2024 Valencian floods and the summer 2025 wildfires), sexual misconduct allegations affecting various parties and institutions, and increased scrutiny on the quality and condition of public services (particularly following the 2025 Iberian Peninsula blackout and the 2026 Adamuz and Gelida railway accidents).

While Sánchez has admitted to having twice hesitated whether to resign—once in April 2024, amid a judicial probe into his wife; and then in July 2025, after his second-in-command in the party, Santos Cerdán, resigned over the Koldo case—he has voiced his intention to run for a new term as prime minister in the next general election, which he has scheduled for 2027.

Background

The 2023 general election saw Prime Minister Pedro Sánchez and his ruling coalition—formed by the Spanish Socialist Workers' Party (PSOE) and Sumar—re-elected with the support of Together for Catalonia (Junts), in exchange for a controversial amnesty law for those tried and convicted for events linked to the 2017–2018 Catalan crisis and the 2019 protests. [7] [8] This deal sparked widespreadprotests, some of them violent in the days before Sánchez's investiture, seeing clashes near the PSOE's national headquarters in Madrid and the involvement of far-right groups. [9] [10]

Sánchez’s third term was marked by a booming economy and falling unemployment, but also by rising living costs and an affordable housing crisis. [11] [12] During this period, a constitutional reform in 2024 introduced people-first language, [13] and a bipartisan agreement ended the five-year blockade of the judiciary council. [14] Political tensions with the People's Party (PP) and far-right Vox intensified, with the government accusing both of "lawfare", disinformation and harassment campaigns. [15] [16] These tensions peaked in April 2024, when Sánchez briefly considered resigning after a controversial judicial investigation into his wife, Begoña Gómez, over alleged influence peddling and embezzlement accusations brought by the far-right-linked group Manos Limpias (Spanish for "Clean Hands"). [17] [18] [19] [20] Public services also came under scrutiny after a major blackout across the Iberian Peninsula in April 2025 and repeated failures in Spain's rail network, [21] [22] especially following the Adamuz and Gelida accidents in January 2026 which together caused 47 deaths. [23] [24]

The Koldo case, involving former Transport minister Jose Luis Abalos and PSOE's organization secretary Santos Cerdan, became the focus of a corruption probe from 2024 onwards. Development Minister Abalos on December 14, 2018 (cropped).jpg
The Koldo case, involving former Transport minister José Luis Ábalos and PSOE's organization secretary Santos Cerdán, became the focus of a corruption probe from 2024 onwards.

On the international stage, Sánchez's government had to deal with continued EU support for Ukraine in its war against Russia, [25] [26] the tariff policy of the second Trump administration, [27] [28] and Spain's role within NATO amid a debate over the five percent defence spending hike. [29] [30] [31] Its strong criticism of the Gaza genocide led Spain to recognize Palestine and worsened relations with Israel, [32] [33] [34] sparking pro-Palestinian protests and calls to boycott Israeli participation in international competitions such as the 2025 Vuelta a España [35] [36] and Spain's RTVE joining others' bid to withdraw from the Eurovision Song Contest 2026. [37] [38] The 2026 Iran war saw a clash between Sánchez and U.S. President Donald Trump over the use of joint military bases at Rota and Morón, [39] [40] [41] reviving the "No to war" slogan previously used during the 2003 invasion of Iraq. [42] [43] At the same time, the Spanish government sought to address the war's economic impact. [44]

Several political scandals affected the PSOE government during this period, including the Koldo case—linked to former transport minister José Luis Ábalos and party official Santos Cerdán [45] [46] —and judicial probes involving Sánchez's brother (for alleged cronyism) [47] and the Spanish Attorney General, Álvaro García Ortiz (for an alleged data leak in a judicial investigation affecting the opposition). [16] [48] Other probes into alleged irregularities in public procurement affected the SEPI holding company and ADIF (Spain's railway infrastructure manager), leading to arrests and police raids. [49] [50] [51] The PP was also hit by scandals, including an investigation into the partner of Madrilenian president Isabel Díaz Ayuso for alleged tax fraud, forgery and organized crime; [52] [53] renewed attention on corruption cases from the Rajoy era such as the Montoro and Kitchen cases (alleged cash-for-favours, influence peddling, lobbying, police misconduct, espionage and deep state networks operated by the finance and interior ministries); [54] [55] [56] as well as a resume padding controversy. [57] [58] [59] Between 2024 and 2026, several parties and institutions were also shaken by sexual misconduct allegations that led to multiple resignations and dismissals, with the political backlash often compared to the MeToo movement. [60] [61] [62] [63]

The botched handling of the deadly 2024 floods led to the resignation of Valencian president Carlos Mazon in November 2025. Valenciaflooding oli 20241030.jpg
The botched handling of the deadly 2024 floods led to the resignation of Valencian president Carlos Mazón in November 2025.

Relations between the PP and Vox remained ambivalent, as the two parties competed electorally while still depending on each other to govern at all levels of administration. [64] Vox leader Santiago Abascal forced the break up of all PP–Vox regional governments in July 2024 over a dispute on the distribution of unaccompanied migrant minors. [65] [66] [67] Alleged crisis mismanagement by PP-controlled administrations—including environmental disasters such as the 2024 Valencian floods (which led to the resignation of the regional president, Carlos Mazón) [68] [69] [70] and major wildfires in August 2025; [71] [72] as well as public outrage over the Andalusian Health Service's mishandling of breast cancer screening [73] [74] [75] —was seen as contributing to Vox’s rise in opinion polls, helped by growing anti-political sentiment, denialism, conspiracist ideation and fake news. [76] [77] [78] Immigration (particularly following the 2025 Torre-Pacheco unrest), [79] [80] and renewed attempts to restrict abortion, [81] [82] [83] further pushed the PP closer to Vox's agenda and raised doubts about Alberto Núñez Feijóo's leadership. [84] [85] At the same time, internal conflicts in Vox led to the expulsion of several high-profile figures as the party tried to broaden its appeal among working-class voters. [86] [87]

Junts withdrew its support from the government in October 2025, accusing it of failing to fulfil key commitments (a move linked to political changes in Catalonia and the rise of the far-right Catalan Alliance). [88] [89] Despite this, Sánchez remained in office because the opposition was unable to push a no-confidence motion. [90] [91] At the end of 2025, the PP tried to capitalize on growing dissatisfaction with Sánchez's government by calling early regional elections in Extremadura and Aragon. [92] [93] Although this move produced several PSOE defeats, it was also seen as backfiring on the PP because its regional branches failed to meet expectations while Vox made the largest gains and strengthened its leverage. [94] [95] [96] Vox's rise appeared to slow in the 2026 Castilian-Leonese election, where the PSOE unexpectedly performed better than predicted amid growing awareness on the Iran war. [97] [98]

Overview

Under the 1978 Constitution, the Spanish Cortes Generales are conceived as an imperfect bicameral system. [99] [100] The Congress of Deputies holds greater legislative power than the Senate, having the ability to grant or withdraw confidence from a prime minister and to override Senate vetoes by an absolute majority. [101] Nonetheless, the Senate retains a limited number of specific functions—such as ratifying international treaties, authorizing cooperation agreements between autonomous communities, enforcing direct rule, regulating interterritorial compensation funds, and taking part in constitutional amendments and in the appointment of members to the Constitutional Court and the General Council of the Judiciary—which are not subject to override by Congress. [102]

Electoral system

Voting for each chamber of the Cortes Generales is based on universal suffrage, comprising all Spanish nationals over 18 years of age with full political rights, provided that they have not been deprived of the right to vote by a final court ruling. [103] [104]

The Congress of Deputies has a minimum of 300 and a maximum of 400 seats, with the electoral law fixing its size at 350. Of these, 348 are elected in 50 multi-member constituencies corresponding to the provinces of Spain—each of which is assigned an initial minimum of two seats and the remaining 248 distributed in proportion to population—using the D'Hondt method and closed-list proportional voting, with a three percent-threshold of valid votes (including blank ballots) in each constituency. The remaining two seats are allocated to Ceuta and Melilla as single-member districts elected by plurality voting. [105] [106] The use of this electoral method may result in a higher effective threshold depending on district magnitude and vote distribution. [107]

As a result of the aforementioned allocation, each Congress multi-member constituency would be entitled the following seats (as of 11 December 2025): [e]

SeatsConstituencies
38 Madrid (+1)
32 Barcelona
16 Valencia
12 Alicante, Seville
11 Málaga
10 Murcia
8 A Coruña, Balearic Islands, Biscay, Cádiz (–1), Las Palmas
7 Asturias, Granada, Pontevedra, Zaragoza, Santa Cruz de Tenerife
6 Almería, Córdoba, Gipuzkoa, Girona, Tarragona, Toledo
5 Badajoz, Cantabria, Castellón, Ciudad Real, Huelva, Jaén, Navarre, Valladolid
4 Álava, Albacete, Burgos, Cáceres, La Rioja, León, Lleida, Lugo, Ourense, Salamanca
3 Ávila, Cuenca, Guadalajara, Huesca, Palencia, Segovia, Teruel, Zamora
2 Soria

209 Senate seats are elected using open-list partial block voting: in constituencies electing four seats, voters can choose up to three candidates; in those with two or three seats, up to two; and in single-member districts, one. Each of the 47 peninsular provinces is allocated four seats, while in insular provinces—such as the Balearic and Canary Islands—the districts are the islands themselves, with the larger ones (Mallorca, Gran Canaria and Tenerife) being allocated three seats each, and the smaller ones (Menorca, Ibiza, Formentera, Fuerteventura, La Gomera, El Hierro, Lanzarote and La Palma) one each. [f] Ceuta and Melilla elect two seats each. Additionally, autonomous communities may appoint at least one senator each and are entitled to one additional senator for every million inhabitants. [110] [111] [112]

The law does not provide for by-elections to fill vacant seats; instead, any vacancies arising after the proclamation of candidates and during the legislative term are filled by the next candidates on the party lists or, when required, by designated substitutes. [113]

Eligibility

Spanish citizens of legal age and with the right to vote may run for election, provided that they have not been sentenced to imprisonment by a final ruling or convicted—whether final or not—of offences that involve loss of eligibility or disqualification from public office (such as rebellion, terrorism or other crimes against the state). Additional causes of ineligibility apply to the following officials: [114] [115]

Other ineligibility provisions also apply to a number of territorial officials in these categories within their areas of jurisdiction, as well as to employees of foreign states and members of regional governments. [114] [115] Incompatibility rules further extend to a range of senior public officials and to those elected on candidacies later declared illegal, as well as prohibiting the simultaneous holding of the positions of deputy and senator or of a national and regional parliamentary seat. [116]

Election date

The term of each chamber of the Cortes Generales—the Congress and the Senate—expires four years from the date of their previous election, unless they are dissolved earlier. [117] The election decree shall be issued no later than the twenty-fifth day prior to the scheduled date of expiry of parliament and published on the following day in the Official State Gazette (BOE), with election day taking place on the fifty-fourth day from publication. [118] The previous election was held on 23 July 2023, which means that the chambers' terms will expire on 23 July 2027. The election decree must be published in the BOE no later than 29 June 2027, with the election taking place on the fifty-fourth day from publication, setting the latest possible date for election day on Sunday, 22 August 2027. [6]

The prime minister has the prerogative to propose the monarch to dissolve both chambers at any given time—either jointly or separately—and call a snap election, provided that no motion of no confidence is in process, no state of emergency is in force and that dissolution does not occur before one year has elapsed since the previous one. [119] Additionally, both chambers are to be dissolved and a new election called if an investiture process fails to elect a prime minister within a two-month period from the first ballot. [120] Barring this exception, there is no constitutional requirement for simultaneous elections to the Congress and the Senate. [121] Still, as of 2026, there has been no precedent of separate elections taking place under the 1978 Constitution.

Prime Minister Pedro Sánchez repeatedly voiced his will for the next general election to be held when due in 2027, [122] [123] particularly following corruption allegations in June 2025 that led to the resignation in June 2025 of his party's organization secretary, Santos Cerdán. [124] [125] However, his government's political strategy, uncertainty over the 2026 General State Budget, as well as Sánchez having previously promised to exhaust legislative terms before ultimately calling snap elections—in 2019 and 2023—led to speculation that an early election could not be ruled out. [126] [127] Uncertainty over Junts's support to Sánchez was commented as a possible trigger of a snap election, [128] [129] while the outbreak of war in Iran fueled comments of a "Super Sunday" in June 2026, together with the regularly scheduled Andalusian election. [130] [131]

Current parliament

The tables below show the composition of the parliamentary groups in both chambers at the present time. [132] [133]

Parties and candidates

The electoral law allows for parties and federations registered in the interior ministry, alliances and groupings of electors to present lists of candidates. Parties and federations intending to form an alliance ahead of an election are required to inform the relevant electoral commission within ten days of the election call, whereas groupings of electors need to secure the signature of at least one percent of the electorate in the constituencies for which they seek election, disallowing electors from signing for more than one list of candidates. Concurrently, parties, federations or alliances that have not obtained a mandate in either chamber of the Cortes at the preceding election are required to secure the signature of at least 0.1 percent of electors in the aforementioned constituencies. [139] Amendments to the electoral law in 2024 increased requirements for a balanced composition of men and women in the electoral lists through the use of a zipper system. [140]

A special, simplified process is provided for election re-runs, including a shortening of deadlines, electoral campaigning, the lifting of signature requirements if these had been already met for the immediately previous election and the possibility of maintaining lists and alliances without needing to go through pre-election procedures again. [141]

Below is a list of the main parties and electoral alliances which will likely contest the election:

CandidacyParties and
alliances
Leading candidateIdeologyPrevious resultGov.Ref.
CongressSenate
Vote %SeatsVote %Seats
PP
List
Alberto Nunez Feijoo 2025b (cropped).jpg Alberto Núñez Feijóo Conservatism
Christian democracy
33.1%13734.5%120Dark red x.svg
PSOE Pedro Sanchez 2026 (cropped).jpg Pedro Sánchez Social democracy 31.7%12132.2%72Check-green.svg [142]
Vox
List
Santiago Abascal 2025 (cropped).jpg Santiago Abascal Right-wing populism
Ultranationalism
National conservatism
12.4%3310.6%0Dark red x.svg
Un Paso
al Frente
[a]
List
Portrait placeholder.svg TBD Progressivism
Green politics
Democratic socialism

12.3%
[b]
31
11.1%
[b]
0Check-green.svg [143]
[144]
[145]
PodemosAV
List
Irene Montero 2024b (cropped).jpg Irene Montero Left-wing populism
Democratic socialism
Dark red x.svg [146]
[147]
ERC Gabriel Rufian 2022 (cropped).jpg Gabriel Rufián Catalan independence
Left-wing nationalism
Social democracy
1.9%7N/a [j] Dark red x.svg
Junts Miriam Nogueras 2015 (cropped).jpg Míriam Nogueras Catalan independence
Populism
1.6%71.8%1Dark red x.svg
EH Bildu
List
Mertxe Aizpurua 2023 (cropped).jpg Mertxe Aizpurua Basque independence
Abertzale left
Socialism
1.4%6N/a [j] Dark red x.svg
EAJ/PNV
List
Maribel Vaquero 2019b (cropped).jpg Maribel Vaquero Basque nationalism
Christian democracy
1.1%51.3%4Dark red x.svg [148]
BNG Nestor Rego 2016 (cropped).jpg Néstor Rego Galician nationalism
Left-wing nationalism
Socialism
0.6%10.8%0Dark red x.svg
CCa
List
Cristina Valido 2023 (cropped).jpg Cristina Valido Regionalism
Canarian nationalism
Centrism
0.5%10.3%0Dark red x.svg
UPN Alberto Catalan 2023 (cropped).jpg Alberto Catalán Regionalism
Conservatism
Christian democracy
0.2%10.3%1Dark red x.svg
ERC–
EH Bildu
Portrait placeholder.svg Mirella Cortès Left-wing nationalism N/a4.2%7Dark red x.svg
EFS Portrait placeholder.svg Juanjo Ferrer Progressivism N/a0.0%1Dark red x.svg
ASG Portrait placeholder.svg Fabián Chinea Insularism
Social democracy
N/a0.0%1Dark red x.svg
AHI Portrait placeholder.svg Javier Armas Insularism
Canarian nationalism
Centrism
N/a0.0%1Dark red x.svg

The reorganization of the political space to the left of the PSOE—which split in December 2023 following Podemos's breakup [146] —was commented as a key element in securing any prospective re-election of Sánchez's government. [149] The component parties of the Sumar alliance looked for a recomposition of the platform under a new brand, [150] [151] with second deputy prime minister and labour minister, Yolanda Díaz, stepping aside as the leading candidate for the next general election. [152] Republican Left of Catalonia (ERC)'s spokesperson in Congress, Gabriel Rufián, proposed a broad front of left-wing parties—either directly or through coordination—that also included peripheral nationalists such as ERC, EH Bildu and the Galician Nationalist Bloc (BNG). [153] The PSOE and Sumar were also commented as probing a prospective electoral alliance or cooperation agreement in over 30 of the smaller constituencies—mostly comprising those electing between three and five seats—where the latter's votes would not translate into seats but in which the former could compete for an additional seat with the PP or Vox. [154]

The 2024 European Parliament election in Spain saw the electoral breakthrough of social media personality Luis "Alvise" Pérez who, running on a right-wing populist platform with his Se Acabó La Fiesta party (Spanish for "The Party is Over", SALF), secured 4.6% of the share. [155] Alvise announced in July 2024 that he was considering to run in the next general election, [156] but his public standing was damaged by an internal party crisis—which saw the defection of SALF's two other MEPs, amid accusations of bullying and blackmail [157] [158] —and several legal cases against him, including allegations of illegal financing, data leakage and harassment, which are the subject of ongoing investigations by the Supreme Court. [159] [160] [161] On 12 October 2025, Alvise formally launched his candidacy to the next general election at the Palacio Vistalegre arena. [162] [163] By 2026, SALF was reportedly recruiting a number of former Vox members into their candidacies in several regions. [164]

Opinion polls

OpinionPollingSpainGeneralElectionNext.svg
Local regression trend line of poll results from 23 July 2023 to the present day, with each line corresponding to a political party.

Notes

  1. 1 2 While the proposed alliance does not yet have an official name, the slogan of its launching event, Un Paso al Frente, has been used by various media to unofficially and provisionally refer to it. [1] [2] [3] [4]
  2. 1 2 3 Within the Sumar alliance in the 2023 election: SMR (10 seats), IU (5 seats), CatComú (5 seats), Podemos (5 seats), MM/MP (2 seats), Compromís (2 seats), CHA (1 seat) and Més (1 seat). [5]
  3. ERC does not field candidates outside of Catalonia (48 seats) and therefore cannot obtain a majority in parliament.
  4. Junts does not field candidates outside of Catalonia (48 seats) and therefore cannot obtain a majority in parliament.
  5. This seat allocation has been manually calculated by applying the electoral rules set out in the law, on the basis of the latest official population figures provided by the Spanish government as of 2026. As such, it should be deemed as a provisional, non-binding estimation. The definitive allocation will be determined by the election decree at the time of the parliament's dissolution. [108]
  6. A constitutional reform was approved by Congress on 26 March 2026 to award Formentera an independent senator. Once ratified, the island will elect an additional seat, separate from Ibiza. [109]
  7. Javier Ortega Smith, former Vox legislator. [135] [136]
  8. 1 2 Part of the Compromís alliance.
  9. José Ignacio Landaluce, former PP legislator. [138]
  10. 1 2 ERC and EH Bildu joined the Left for Independence alliance ahead of the 2023 Senate election.

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Bibliography

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