The informal turno system had allowed the country's two main parties—the Conservatives and the Liberals—to alternate in power by determining in advance the outcome of elections through electoral fraud, often facilitated by the territorial clientelistic networks of local bosses (the caciques). The absence of politically authoritative figureheads since the deaths of Cánovas and Sagasta, together with the national trauma from the Spanish–American War, weakened the internal unity of both parties and allowed faction leaders and local caciques to strengthen their positions as power brokers.
Antonio Maura's return to power in 1907 was characterized by his attempt to implement regenerationism from inside the system (a "revolution from above") and a Spanish nationalist agenda. Legislatively prolific but politically controversial, Maura's tenure oversaw the Pact of Cartagena, the passage of a new electoral law, a naval shipbuilding programme, a promotion of national industry and an approach to the social question that included the approval of legal channels for labour dispute resolution, a legal framework for labour strikes and the creation of bodies responsible for social welfare. He also attempted—but failed—to reform local government through decentralization and corporatism, as well as passing a heavily repressive Law on Terrorism. The outbreak of war in Morocco, followed by Maura's decision to call up reservists and conscripts from Barcelona, unleashed a wave of anti-military unrest that reached its height during the Tragic Week. The government's repressive response (with Francisco Ferrer's execution sparking international outrage) ultimately led to Maura's downfall in October 1909 before completing his agenda.
In the government crisis that ensued, King Alfonso XIII appointed Liberal leader Segismundo Moret as new prime minister. However, concerns from various party sectors towards the latter's alliances with republicans (dubbed the "Left Bloc") ultimately led to his resignation after only four months—before an election could be organized—and in a new government under José Canalejas. While Canalejas managed to secure a parliamentary majority in ensuing election and re-assert his leadership over the Liberal Party, the crisis further eroded the Restoration regime. The end of the Left Bloc led the left-wing anti-monarchist parties joining into the Republican–Socialist Conjunction, which saw the Spanish Socialist Workers' Party (PSOE)—whose leader, Pablo Iglesias Posse, had abandoned the party's isolationist stance—secure parliamentary representation for the first time.
The Restoration system had entered a phase of decline following the national trauma from the Spanish–American War (the "1898 disaster") and the absence of politically authoritative figureheads since the deaths of Antonio Cánovas del Castillo (1897) and Práxedes Mateo Sagasta (1903),[9] weakening the internal unity of both dynastic parties and strengthening the position of faction leaders and local caciques as power brokers.[10][11] Concurrently, the anti-monarchist opposition became increasingly competitive in urban and some rural districts, partly due to the introduction of universal suffrage since 1890, partly due to the progressive weakening of the pro-government electoral apparatus.[12][13][14]
The government also suffered several major defeats, such as opposition to its proposed Law on Terrorism in 1908, whose heavily repressive nature prompted the birth of a Liberal–republican "Left Bloc", seeing monarchists and republicans allying for the first time against one of the dynastic parties with support from the "Trust" press (the media group comprising the three main liberal newspapers: El Liberal, El Imparcial and El Heraldo de Madrid).[26][29][30] In the flagship proposal of his Spanish nationalist agenda, Maura attempted to reform the local administration by introducing municipal self-governance, decentralization and corporate suffrage,[31][32][33] but the Liberal–republican opposition was able to obstruct the passage of this law.[26][34][35] Seeking to strengthen cohesion among the various party factions that questioned his position, Liberal leader Segismundo Moret maintained this strategy during this period.[19]
In July 1909, the attack on Spanish railway workers by Riffian tribes led to the outbreak of the second Melillan campaign; the disaster of Wolf Ravine later that month, in which over 150 Spanish soldiers were killed, prompted the government to order the immediate mobilization of reservists from Barcelona.[26][36] The recruitment proved unpopular, unleashing a wave of anti-war unrest among the working class—motivated by anger at wealthier families being able to "exempt" their offspring from military service by paying a fee (the redención en metálico or "cash redemption") or by hiring a replacement ("substitution"), in a system known as the quintas—that reached its peak during the events of the Tragic Week.[29] The state's heavy-handed response (with over 100 killed and 1,700 arrested in the riots and a two-month suspension of constitutional rights across the country)[37] and the execution of anarchist activist Francisco Ferrer on 13 October sparked widespread outrage: protests took place in major cities across Europe and Latin America under the chant "Maura, no!", with the scale of the international outcry being compared to that of the Dreyfus affair.[26][38][39] The parliamentary counterattack from the Left Bloc proved effective: Maura resigned on 21 October and King Alfonso XIII appointed Moret as prime minister.[34][40][41] This episode became the first occasion in the Restoration system that political pressure from the dynastic party in opposition was successful in bringing down the party in power,[42] which would lead to Maura declaring the liquidation of the Pact of El Pardo and "implacable hostility" to the Liberals in power.[43][44]
Once in power, the Liberal Party saw itself embroiled in an internal crisis, as Moret marginalized the Count of Romanones due to his involvement with the Spanish Rif Mining Company (CEMR), whereas his Left Bloc's dominance over more experienced Liberals was a cause of concern for others.[34][45][46] With election preparations underway, mounting political pressure from Romanones and various party sectors—fearing that Moret would relegate them in the encasillado in favour of newcomers and republican allies—led the King to deny Moret a parliamentary dissolution, prompting the latter's resignation and the appointment of José Canalejas in his place on 9 February 1910.[34][47][48] Moret's downfall marked both the first time that the monarchy prevented the first government in a new "turn" from calling an election,[49] and that it bypassed the official leader of one of the dynastic leaders.[50]
The Congress of Deputies had one seat per 50,000 inhabitants. Of these, 98 were elected in 28 multi-member constituencies using partial block voting: in constituencies electing ten seats or more, voters could choose up to four candidates less than the number of seats at stake; in those with between eight and ten seats, up to three less; in those with between four and eight seats, up to two less; and in those with between one and four seats, up to one less. The remaining 306 seats were elected in single-member districts by plurality voting and distributed among the provinces of Spain according to population.[62][63][64] The 1907 electoral law abolished special districts and introduced that elections in uncontested districts were to be resolved with the automatic election of the sole candidate(s).[65][66]
As a result of the aforementioned allocation, each Congress multi-member constituency was entitled the following seats:[63]
180 Senate seats were elected using indirect, write-in, two-roundmajority voting. Delegates chosen by economic societies, local councils and major taxpayers—and together with other qualified electors—voted for senators. The provinces of Barcelona, Madrid and Valencia were allocated four seats each, and the rest three each, for a total of 150.[68] The remaining 30 seats were allocated to special institutional districts (one each), including major archdioceses, royal academies, universities and economic societies of Friends of the Country.[69][70][71] Another 180 seats consisted of senators in their own right (such as the monarch's offspring and the heir apparent once of age, grandees of Spain with sufficient income, senior military officers, archbishops, and the heads of major state courts and institutions after two years of service), as well as life senators appointed directly by the monarch.[69]
For the Congress, secular Spanish citizens of legal age, with full civil rights and the right to vote could run for election. Causes of ineligibility applied to contractors of public works or services within the relevant territory; and to holders of certain government-appointed posts, the judiciary and the prosecution ministry, or provincial deputation members, during their term of office and for one year afterwards. Government ministers and civil servants in the Central Administration were exempt from these causes.[74][75] Special exemptions from ineligibility were granted to certain individuals, capping at 40 the number of deputies able to benefit from these:[76][77]
Holders of civil, military and judicial positions with permanent residence in Madrid and an annual public salary of at least Pts12,500;
Holders of certain positions based in Madrid, such as senior court officials, university authorities and professors, senior engineers, and military officers.
Amendments to the electoral law in 1907 introduced a requirement for candidates intending to run to either have previously served as deputies; or secure the endorsement of either two current or former lawmakers from the same province, three current or former provincial deputies representing a territory that was wholly or partly included in the constituencies they wanted to contest, or at least one twentieth of the electorate in the constituencies for which they sought election.[78]
For the Senate, eligibility was limited to Spanish citizens over 35 years of age who were not under criminal prosecution, disfranchisement nor asset seizure, and who either qualified to be senators in their own right or belonged (or had belonged) to certain categories:[79][80]
Having served as senators before the promulgation of the 1876 Constitution; or as deputies in at least three different congresses or eight terms;
Holders of a wide range of senior public or institutional posts, including the presidents of the Senate and the Congress; government ministers; bishops; grandees of Spain not eligible as senators in their own right; and presidents and directors of the royal academies;
Senior officials after two years of service, including certain military officers (lieutenant generals and vice admirals); and members or prosecutors in major state courts and institutions;
Certain individuals meeting specific income or tax requirements. With an annual income of at least Pts7,500: Full academics in the relevant corporations; senior civil, mining and forest engineers; and full professors with a four-year seniority. With an annual income of at least Pts20,000 or being taxpayers with a minimum quota of Pts4,000 in direct contributions: Spanish nobility; and former deputies, provincial deputies or mayors in provincial capitals or towns over 20,000.
Other ineligibility provisions for the Senate also applied to a number of territorial officials within their areas of jurisdiction, during their term of office and for up to three months afterwards; contractors of public works or services; tax collectors and their guarantors; debtors of public funds; deputies; local councillors (except those in Madrid); and provincial deputies within their respective provinces.[81]
Election date
The term of each chamber of the Cortes—the Congress and one-half of the elective part of the Senate—expired five years from the date of their previous election, unless they were dissolved earlier.[82] The previous elections were held on 21 April 1907 for the Congress and on 5 May 1907 for the Senate, which meant that the chambers' terms would have expired on 21 April and 5 May 1912, respectively.
The monarch had the prerogative to dissolve both chambers at any given time—either jointly or separately—and call a snap election.[83][84] There was no constitutional requirement for concurrent elections to the Congress and the Senate, nor for the elective part of the Senate to be renewed in its entirety except in the case that a full dissolution was agreed by the monarch. Still, there was only one case of a separate election (for the Senate in 1877) and no half-Senate elections taking place under the 1876 Constitution.
The Cortes were officially dissolved on 14 April 1910, with the dissolution decree setting election day for 8 May (Congress) and 22 May 1910 (Senate) and scheduling for both chambers to reconvene on 15 June.[85]
↑Juliá 1999, pp.29–30: "...Maura not only left the electoral cleanup to a better occasion, but also the balanced encasillado: he maintained electoral fraud while breaking the pact between the liberal and conservative elites. [Spanish: ...Maura dejó para mejor ocasión no ya la limpieza electoral sino también el encasillado equilibrado: mantuvo el fraude electoral a la vez que rompía el pacto entre las elites liberal y conservadora.]"
↑Royal Academy of History 2022, Ferrera Cuesta, Carlos. Personajes: Segismundo Moret y Prendergast. Retrieved 18 August 2025: "...This decision was crucial in the history of the Restoration: for the first time, the Monarch breached the turno system by choosing a politician over the leader of a dynastic party. [Spanish: ...Tal decisión fue crucial en la historia de la Restauración: por primera vez, el Monarca vulneraba el sistema del turno al escoger a un político por encima del líder de un partido dinástico.]".
This page is based on this Wikipedia article Text is available under the CC BY-SA 4.0 license; additional terms may apply. Images, videos and audio are available under their respective licenses.
