More than 127 million people were eligible to vote in the election, making it the "biggest democratic exercise of the year".[2][3] 2,028 candidates contested for the 299 seats in the election.[4] Major parties contested; however, Hasina's Awami League—the winner of the previous four elections—was banned and could not participate in the election.[5] This made the election a "bipolar contest" between the BNP and the 11 Party Alliance led by the Jamaat-e-Islami and the National Citizen Party (NCP).[6] The election took place under the interim government led by Muhammad Yunus, which had governed the country since August 2024.[7]
Key campaign issues and agendas included unemployment, corruption, extortion, proportional representation (PR), and promises to the youth and the minority voters. A professor at SOAS University believed that the election was decided "less by ideology and more by promises of governance".[6] For the first time in the country, the votes of expatriates, polling officials and detainees, postal ballots were used.[7][8] The election was also considered to be the world's first "Gen Z-inspired" election after the series of Gen Z protests around the world.[9]
The main opposition party, the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP), demanded that the government hand over power to a neutral caretaker government before the January 2024 elections.[14] This was rejected by Hasina, who vowed, "Bangladesh will never allow an unelected government again".[15] Hasina's resistance to a caretaker government arose following the 2006–2008 political crisis, during which a caretaker government assumed military-backed control of the country and arrested a number of political leaders, including her and former Prime Minister Khaleda Zia.[16] Zia was sentenced to prison for five years,[17] later extended to ten years,[18] on 8 February 2018 for her involvement in the Zia Orphanage corruption case.[17] Her son Tarique Rahman, the following BNP chairperson, was also found guilty of criminal conspiracy and multiple counts of murder for a 2004 Dhaka grenade attack that injured Hasina and killed 24 people.[19] He was automatically barred from running for office due to the resulting life imprisonment.[20]
Following negotiations between Students Against Discrimination leaders and the Bangladesh Armed Forces, Nobel laureate Muhammad Yunus was appointed as the Chief Adviser of Bangladesh to lead an interim government[7] with a view of leading the country to new elections.[25] The student leaders of the protest movement have also formed political groups such as the National Citizen Party and are assumed to participate in the election. Over time, serious disagreements have arisen over participation of the Awami League in the polls. BNP leader Ruhul Kabir Rizvi and Jatiya Party (Ershad) leader GM Quader supported Awami League participation in the polls. Bangladesh Army chief Waker-Uz-Zaman had reportedly stated that the participation of a "refined" Awami League led by leaders with "clean" image like Shirin Sharmin Chaudhury, Sheikh Fazle Noor Taposh and Saber Hossain Chowdhury is necessary to ensure that the elections are "free, fair and inclusive".[26] Students Against Discrimination placed within the interim government like Mahfuj Alam bitterly opposed the participation of the Awami League in the polls.[27] NCP leader Nahid Islam also voiced his opposition to participation of the Awami League in the polls, unless its leaders are put on trial for the July massacre. He stated that any attempt to relaunch the so-called refined Awami League in the elections amounts to foreign interference.[28]Bangladesh Jamaat-e-Islami Ameer Shafiqur Rahman has also expressed his opposition to allowing the Awami League to participate in the polls.[26]
A petition demanding a ban on the Awami League and its associates of the Grand Alliance filed by the student agitators[29] had been rejected by the Appellate Division.[30] On 9 April 2025, the NCP, Jamaat-e-Islami and other Islamist organisations such as the Hefazat-e-Islam Bangladesh staged a 2025 Awami League ban protests in front of the Jamuna State Guest House, the residence of the Chief Adviser, demanding a ban on the Awami League.[31] On the following day, the interim government banned the Awami League and all of its activities in cyberspace and elsewhere, under the Anti-Terrorism Act, 2009. The ban would last until the International Crimes Tribunal completes the trial of the party and its leaders.[32][33] On 17 November 2025, the International Crimes Tribunal ruled that Sheikh Hasina and her co-defendants were guilty of war crimes and sentenced her along with former home minister Asaduzzaman Khan Kamal to death.[34]Khaleda Zia, former Bangladesh Prime Minister who was acquitted of all charges after the 2024 Bangladesh quota reform movement died on 30 December 2025 after a prolonged illness sparking a change in Bangladesh political landscape.[35]
Electoral system
2026 general election and referendum postal ballot-sending envelope.
The 350 members of the Jatiya Sangsad consist of 300 directly elected seats[5] using first-past-the-post voting (FPTP) in single-member constituencies, and an additional 50 seats reserved for women. The reserved seats are elected proportionally by the elected members. Each parliament sits for a five-year term.[36] The interim government led by the Yunus ministry introduced reforms before the election, including reintroduction of "no vote" for the single candidate constituencies.[37] It was the first general election in Bangladesh where expatriates voted through postal ballot.[7][38] Accompanied by the referendum,[39] postal voting, technical support and observer accreditation, this became the "most procedurally complex" election in the country's history.[40]
Voters
According to the final voter list published by the Election Commission of Bangladesh, 127,711,793 people are eligible to vote in the election, 64,825,361 among whom are male, 62,885,200 are female, and 1,232 are third gender voters.[3] The growth rate of the male voters was 2.29%, and the female voters was 4.16%.[41] With 804,333 voters, Gazipur-2 is the largest constituency by the number of voters, while Jhalokati-1 is at the lowest number with 227,431 voters.[42][43]
Electoral preparation
Schedule
Poll Event
Schedule
Official declaration from the chief adviser
5 August 2025
Declaration of the schedule
11 December 2025
Application deadline for candidates
29 December 2025
Scrutiny of nomination
30 December 2025 – 4 January 2026
Last date for withdrawal of nomination
20 January 2026
Symbol allocation
21 January 2026
Postal voting
22 January – 12 February 2025
Start of campaign period
22 January 2026
End of campaign period
10 February 2026
Date of poll
12 February 2026
Date of counting of votes
12 February 2026
Date of reserved seats Poll
13 February 2026
Chief Election Commissioner AMM Nasir Uddin briefing the results of the Referendum and National Parliament Election 2026.
In a televised address to the nation on 6 June 2025, Yunus declared the general election would be held on any day of the first half of April 2026.[44] The BNP and Jatiya Party (Ershad) opposed holding elections in mid-2026, and demanded that the date be moved forward to December 2025, citing Kalbaisakhi storms and Ramadan.[45] Later on 5 August, Yunus said in a televised broadcast that he would write to the Election Commission to request the election be held in February 2026 before Ramadan, which will begin as early as 17 February.[7][46][47]
Chief election commissioner AMM Nasir Uddin's speech on the electoral schedule was recorded by the Bangladesh Television (BTV) and the Bangladesh Betar on 10 December 2025, and was broadcast on 11 December.[48] On 22 December, Chief Adviser Muhammad Yunus inaugurated ten campaigning trucks named "Super Caravan", whose work will be to agitate public consciousness on election and information about the referendum.[49]
A total of 3,407 nomination papers were collected for the 300 constituencies, and 2,582 papers were submitted.[50] 28% of the submitted nominations were declined by the returning officers.[51] 645 appeals were made against the nomination invalidation to the Election Commission.[52] The election witnessed a significant increase of the number of female candidates, particularly from the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) and National Citizen Party (NCP).[53] The only third gender (hijra) candidate was Anwarul Islam Rani, who stood as an independent candidate from Rangpur-3.[54] With 15 candidates, Dhaka-12 is the constituency with the most candidates, while Pirojpur-1 is the lowest with only two candidates.[42]
On 4 February, the EC suspended election in the Sherpur-3 constituency over the death of Jamaat-e-Islami candidate Nuruzzaman Badal under the Representation of the People Order, 1972.[56] Before the election, the government issued a three-day general holiday for the workers starting from 10 February, and a two-day general holiday for the service holders and government employees starting from 11 February, accompanied by the weekends of Friday-Saturday on 13 and 14 February respectively. Furthermore, the EC restricted the moving of some specific vehicles between 11 and 13 February midnights. This led to a nationwide mass migration of millions of homebound voters in a short timespan, creating heavy traffic and congestion in the highways, railways and the waterways, as well as a shortage of public transportation.[57][58][59][60][61] According to The Daily Star, around 48 lakh mobile phone users left Dhaka between 9 and 11 February.[62]
Queue of male voters at Government Music College, Dhaka, on the day of election
Unemployment has been a major problem for the Bangladeshi economy, especially affecting the youth. According to a Bangladesh Bureau of Statistics report, Bangladesh's overall unemployment rate stood at 4.48% in 2024, compared to 4.15% in 2023.[68][69] In 2024, 87% of the unemployed were educated, and 21% of them were graduates, showing the lack of job growth needed to accommodate the increasing workforce.[70] A 2024 study found that 55% of the Bangladeshi youth wished to leave the country due to the rising unemployment rate.[71] Unemployment was one of the core factors behind the July Revolution of 2024.[72]
Corruption
Corruption remains a major national issue. Bangladesh ranked 152nd out of 182 countries in the Transparency International's Corruption Perception Index in 2025, slipping from 151 in 2024.[73] The issue of corruption took a central stage in election campaigns.[74][75]
Nearly 56 million of the 127 million registered voters are aged between 18 and 37, constitute about 44 percent of the electorate, many of them belong to Generation Z, the main demographic contributor to the July Revolution. Due to three previously one-sided elections, this election is expected to be the first competitive election to the cohort. According to the Al Jazeera, these young voters are unified "less by ideology than by a shared suspicion of institutions, which, for most of their adult lives, have failed to represent them". The youth vote bank have been a focal point of party campaigns, and is widely considered to be the turning factor in the election.[90]
Hindu and Awami League voters
Many Hindus voted for the Awami League in the previous general elections. Due to absence of the party in the 2026 election, parties such as the BNP and the Jamaat-e-Islami actively conducted programmes to attract the Hindu voters.[91][92] BBC Bangla reported that the BNP maintains a stronghold amongst the Hindu voters,[92] and the party promised to create a special tribunal and a security cell to prevent communal violence against religious minorities.[93] Two leaders of the Vishwa Hindu Parishad were nominated from the BNP. On the other side, Jamaat-e-Islami established committees including minorities and nominated a Hindu candidate.[94] The CPB fielded 17 minority candidates in the election, which is the highest among the competing parties.[95]
Besides, BNP and Jamaat-e-Islami have taken strategies to attract former voters of the Awami League and its allies, which include among other things recruiting former AL politicians and promising legal protections.[94] A significant number of AL supporters stated that they would refrain from voting in an election without "boat".[96] Although according to University of Dhaka professor Asif Shahan, though the "core loyalists" might abstain, the "locally focused" former AL voters will vote and may become a decisive factor in the election.[97]
Some surveys in January 2026 indicated that nearly half of the former AL voters switched their support to the BNP, followed by the Jamaat-e-Islami. According to the Communication & Research Foundation and Bangladesh Election and Public Opinion Studies, these "patterns suggest that former Awami League voters are not dispersing evenly across the party system or withdrawing from partisan preferences, but are instead consolidating their support around specific opposition alternatives".[97] Analysing an October–November youth survey by the Bangladesh Youth Leadership Center (BYCL) in November 2025, which showed that many Awami League voters switched to the Jamaat-e-Islami, the British journalist David Bergman provided two possible reasons for this shift, first, due to the punitive stance of the BNP towards the AL at the local level, Jamaat-e-Islami has come to be viewed as the "lesser of two evils" by those AL supporters; and secondly, Jamaat-e-Islami's victory may be sought to a group of AL supporters as a "vindication", that the AL's claim to have been the "only true barrier preventing Bangladesh from sliding toward a religious state" was valid.[98]
Party campaigns and preparations
Bangladesh Nationalist Party
Bangladesh Nationalist Party's campaign for 2026 Bangladeshi general election
BNP Chairman Tarique Rahman delivering speech at a public gathering in Mymensingh before the election
The BNP's primary candidate-selection started in late September 2025.[99] The party sources reported that the candidates in approximately 200 seats were finalized by mid–October. However, the party was facing difficulties to determine candidates for 60–70 seats in due to internal conflicts and multiple strong candidates.[100] The BNP announced their candidacy list for 237 constituencies on 3 November 2025. Its incumbent chairperson and former prime minister of Bangladesh, Khaleda Zia, would compete from three constituencies;[101] however, serious dissatisfaction arose over the nomination in more than 40 seats, leading to frequent protests by the supporters of several nomination seekers. Party leaders feared that this might weaken the party unity in several electorates.[102] In the second phase, the BNP unveiled a candidacy list for 36 seats, including seats of many leaders of the allied parties, alienating the allied parties, which even led to the conclusion of Bangladesh Labour Party's 18-year-long alignment with the party,[103] while two allied parties, the Liberal Democratic Party (Bangladesh) and the Jatiya Samajtantrik Dal (Rab), declared contesting in the election independently.[104] On the other hand, the Bangladesh Liberal Democratic Party and the Bangladesh Jatiya Dal merged with the BNP.[105][106]
Tarique Rahman, the acting chairman of the BNP, returned to Bangladesh on 25 December 2025, after 17 years in exile.[112][113] BBC Bangla reported that the BNP's electoral campaign would revolve around the personality of Tarique. However, experts think that it may create challenges for the BNP due to his controversial legacy involving the Hawa Bhaban and corruption.[114] Additionally, during his campaign speeches, many irregularities and factual inaccuracies were detected. Opposition have also accused him of making several pledges that have already been implemented.[115] The party is seeking to position itself as centrist and liberal.[116][117][118] Some of its recent rhetoric explicitly acknowledged the preservation of the legacy of the Liberation War.[116] The party also aimed to appeal to center-lef voters.[117] BNP's key campaign pledge include the "family card", issued to 4 million households which would provide a necessary amount of money to support monthly income of a family, and "farmer card", which would provide subsidized services to the farmers. The party also promised to create 10 million jobs within 18 months. Other promises include "one teacher, one tab" initiative, reopening mid-day meal services to the schools, expansion of deregulation of commerce, and recruiting 1 million healthcare workers.[119]
The BNP unveiled their manifesto on 6 February 2026. The manifesto outlined 51 points within nine commitments stated to be based on the 19-point programme (1978), the Vision-2030 (2015) and the 31-point programme (2022) of the party and the July Charter — "Family card", "Farmer Card", recruitment of 100,000 healthcare workers predominantly women, educational reform, meals in the primary schools, employment and youth skill development, 250 million tree plantation and 20,000 kilometres (12,000 miles) canalling, listing of the victims of the 1971 Bangladesh genocide and the July massacre, and religious harmony and digitalization of economy. Other key aspects include reinstatement of "faith and trust in Allah" to the constitution, reforms in the article 70, establishment of ten-year term limits for the prime minister, creation of a trillion-dollar economy by 2034, increasing foreign direct investment to 2.5% of GDP, expansion of power generation capacity up to 35,000 MW by 2030, achievement of tax-to-GDP ratio up to 15%, establishment of "Truth and Heeling Commission", anti-corruption, women empowerment, honourium for imams, muezzins, khatibs, pandits and other religious leaders, and waiver of agricultural loans up to 10,000 taka.[120][121][122][123][124]
For the first time since the 1991 Bangladeshi general election, the BNP decided to participate the elections on its own, without being in a formal or informal alliance with the Jamaat-e-Islami. The BNP general secretary Mirza Fakhrul Islam Alamgir confirmed the conclusion of its alliance with the Jamaat-e-Islami in August 2025.[125] Political analyst Faisal Mahmud suggested that the split may be driven by the BNP's attempt to "appropriate the moral vocabulary of secular nationalism" in order to occupy the "void" left by the AL. According to him, the split can reshape Bangladesh's future political landscape "dramatically".[116] The BNP's internal discipline was repeatedly questioned. A report from the Transparency International Bangladesh found that the party leaders and activists were behind 91% of the political violence since the fall of the Awami League on 5 August 2024.[115]
Bangladesh Jamaat-e-Islami
Bangladesh Jamaat-e-Islami's campaign for 2026 Bangladeshi general election
(unofficial, but widely used in the campaign)[126]
Supporter of Bangladesh Jamaat-e-Islami in Dhaka.
The Jamaat-e-Islami allied with eight like-minded parties to campaign for five demands before the election, including a referendum for the July Charter by November, PR in the both houses of the proposed bicameral legislature, ensuring level playing field for all parties, prosecution of the Awami League government officials, and ban all activities of the Jatiya Party (Ershad) and the Grand Alliance (Bangladesh).[127] Jamaat-e-Islami also tried to unify these parties into an electoral alliance,[128] however, later it was decided to form an electoral convenience. Prothom Alo reported that they were also tying to connect with NCP, AB Party and GOP.[129] On 28 December 2025, Jamaat-e-Islami announced an electoral alliance with the Liberal Democratic Party and the National Citizen Party.[130] The Bangladesh Labour Party also joined the alliance on 24 January 2025.[131] On the other hand, Islami Andolan Bangladesh, a founding member of Like-minded 8 Parties, left the alliance after failing to compromise seats.[132]Prothom Alo also reported that approximately 80% candidates of the Jamaat-e-Islami's primary nomination list are new, who have no pior experience of contesting a general election. The party sources say that it is an attempt to bring young leadership to the forefront.[128]
The Jamaat-e-Islami is trying to position itself as the "vanguard of the July uprising" and a "viable alternative to established political parties, such as Awami League and BNP", both of which have controversial records in governance.[117] According to the political analyst Saleh Uddin Ahmad, the party has created an image of a relatively corruption-free and a modest party, which may give them an upper hand in the election. Despite this, he also pointed out that the party's religious ideology and historical legacy may hinder the party's electoral campaign.[133] The BBC reported that many younger voters separate the contemporary form of the party from its history and do not consider its 1971 stance as a "red line". According to professor Tawfique Haque of North South University, the Gen Z do not want to be "bogged with this debate", considering the party a "fellow victim of Hasina's rule".[134]
Jamaat-e-Islami's campaign promises heavily concentrated on interest-free loans and tax cuts. The party pledged to introduce "smart social security card", which would bring all the government services under a single umbrella. The party also promised to train 10 million youth and to develop 1.5 million entrepreneurs and 500,000 million freelancers within five years. Other pledges include interest-free student loans, extensive consumer tax cuts, freezing industrial utility tariffs for three years, reopening closed factories under combined public and private ownership with 10% allocation for the workers, and free healthcare for the older citizens and children.[119]
Jamaat-e-Islami published its manifesto on 4 February 2026. Titled the "people's manifesto", it contained 41 categories and prioritized 26 areas, including youth leadership, universal civil, special provisions for disadvantaged individuals and backward communities, safe and inclusive participation of women in state affairs, gradual introduction of universal healthcare and education as well as lowering their costs, social security and reduction of consumer inflation, establishment of good governance, ensuring judicial freedom, ensuring freedom of faith, establishment of peace in the Hill Tracts, welfare of women and hijras, anti-corruption, providing employment and creation of a skilled workforce, socioeconomic development, and building a self-reliant country. Most emphasis was placed on healthcare sector.[135] Other key aspects include introduction of mandatory military service for all citizens aged between 18 and 22 regardless of gender, and "significantly" nominating women to the cabinet.[136][137][138] Although not included in the manifesto, its emir (president) Shafiqur Rahman promised to reduce female working hours in the ceremony, a move for which he was previously criticized, which he clarified to be executed after the maternity leave with the "consent of mothers".[139][135]
The party's resurgence prompted debate over whether the country is ready to be governed by an Islamist party. Some fear it could seek to enforce sharia or try to restrict women's rights and freedoms.[118] Jamaat-e-Islami Emir promised not to implement sharia law if they form a government.[140] According to The Washington Post, the US has expanded engagement with the Jamaat-e-Islami. In a leaked recording, an American diplomat reportedly said that the US does not believe that the party is able to implement Sharia, and if they attempt to act with regards to the US, then the US "would have 100 percent tariffs put on them the next day".[141]
National Citizen Party
National Citizen Party's campaign for 2026 Bangladeshi general election
NCP candidate Nasiruddin Patwary's election rallies at Dhaka-8
The NCP published their "Manifesto of New Bangladesh" on 3 August 2025 at Central Shaheed Minar, Dhaka. Although not a formal electoral manifesto, it outlined their party policies and agenda if they form a government. The manifesto promises a new constitution, state recognition of the July Revolution and massacre, minimization of the role of black money in politics, introduction of "whistleblower protection law" and "Village Parliament", dissolution of the Rapid Action Battalion, introduction of universal healthcare, increased state funding on STEM education, artificial intelligence and biotechnology research, increase of reserved-for-women seats in the Jatiya Sangsad to 100, recognition of houseworks in the GDP, establishment of a "Permanent Labor Commission", green technology, strong foreign and defence policy and bilateral solutions to the issues like deaths along the Bangladesh–India border, water sharing of transboundary rivers and Rohingya refugee crisis.[142]
The NCP's campaign concentrated on the constituent assembly election and the new constitution, which was decided in a party meeting on 13–14 August. Their unofficial slogans include "This time people, want constituent assembly election" and "Solution to Bangladesh, a new constitution".[143] The NCP became the first party to issue nomination forms from 6 November 2025. Notably, they kept 80% discounts for labour-peasants and injured protesters of the July Revolution.[144] The party interviewed more than 1,000 nomination seekers among ordinary citizens nationwide over two days in November. Its leaders moved from booth to booth for suitable candidates.[145] According to the Daily Jugantor, approximately 60% candidates primarily nominated by the NCP were non-NCP members.[146] The party declared their primary candidacy list for 125 seats on 10 December 2025, including the seats of major leaders.[147]
AB Party chairman Mojibur Rahman Monju hinted a possible alliance consisting of the NCP, his party, the Gono Odhikar Parishad and the 6 member parties of the Ganatantra Manch alliance in October 2025.[148][149] The NCP, GOP, AB Party, Rastro Songskar Andolan, Jatiya Samajtantrik Dal (Rab), and United People's Bangladesh expressed interest to join the alliance. However, the NCP's opposition to the inclusion of UP Bangladesh, a splinter faction of the party, and GOP's internal disputes hampered the formation of the alliance.[150] On 7 December 2025, "Democratic Reform Alliance" was established consisting the NCP, the AB Party, and the Rastro Songskar Andolan. The NCP leader Nahid Islam described it as "not only an electoral alliance – but also a political alliance".[151]
Initially, Jamaat-e-Islami and NCP, close and supportive on the issues related to constitutional and electoral reforms, had differed on electoral activities. NCP was seen as uninterested to form an electoral alliance with the Jamaat-e-Islami and other Islamist parties. According to BBC Bangla, the leftist politicians of NCP were pressuring the party leadership for this.[152] From late December, NCP's alliance with Jamaat-e-Islami suddenly reemerged, creating significant discussion. On 28 December, Jamaat-e-Islami confirmed its electoral alliance with the NCP.[130] Protesting the decision, NCP leaders Tasnim Jara and Tasnuva Jabeen resigned from the party,[153][154] while former adviserMahfuj Alam, who had previously expressed interest of joining the NCP, retracted from the decision.[155] Khandakar Tahmid Rejwan, lecturer at the Independent University, Bangladesh, said:[118]
It's unfortunate to see the leader of the political party that arguably claims to own and lead the 2024 mass uprising and depose Hasina, now become a junior partner to a major political party. ... As a result, we see defections of many top leaders of NCP, and astonishingly, by allying, it was only able to bargain for 30 seats for its own candidate. To sum up, Nahid has sold his political autonomy and image of an exclusive figure by de facto becoming subservient to Jamaat.
NCP declared their electoral manifesto on 30 January 2026. Their manifesto, named the "Manifesto of Youth and Dignity", contained 36 points (signifying the July 36). Their key pledges include lowering the voting age to 16, creating 10 million "dignified" jobs over the next five years, eradicating extortion to bring the political cost of doing business down to zero, and facilitating "reverse brain drain" by bringing talented professionals back to the country through one-off funding mechanisms.[156]
Jatiya Party (Ershad)
Jatiya Party (Ershad) campaign for 2026 Bangladeshi general election
Since Hussain Muhammad Ershad's lifetime, the Jatiya Party had been divided into three factions — the Quader faction (led by Ghulam Muhammad Quader), the Raushan faction (led by Raushan Ershad), and the Anisul faction (led by Anisul Islam Mahmud). According to the Daily Manab Zamin significant dispute is ongoing among these factions over the party's electoral symbol plough. Each faction wants the symbol over their own nominated candidates.[157]
On 8 December 2025, National Democratic Front, led by the Anisul faction and the Jatiya Party (Manju), was launched including 18 parties.[158][159] On 23 December, the alliance declared candidates for 119 constituencies on 23 December, including the seats of top leaders of the member parties.[160] On the other side, the Quader faction declared their final candidacy list on 26 December.[161]
The party's campaign was limited to field meetings, leaflet distributions and mass processions, and included no major rally. Many of its leaders claimed to have been threatened and mared of campaigning freely. The party is campaigning for a "no" vote for the referendum and trying to secure the Awami League and minority votes. Its leaders believe that if AL supporters turn out at voting centres, only then the JP(E) will be able to meet its expectations and to maintain its historic stronghold in the Rangpur region.[162][163]
Communist Party of Bangladesh
Communist Party of Bangladesh campaign for 2026 Bangladeshi general election
On 29 November 2025, Democratic United Front (DUF) was announced at a national coalition, jointly organised by the CPB-led Left Democratic Alliance and the BJSD.[165] The convention adopted a seven‑point political proposal outlining the coalition's ideological commitments and electoral strategy. Leaders called for uniting left‑wing, progressive, democratic, and "pro–Liberation War forces". The DUF declared their electoral manifesto on 23 January 2026, where emphasis were placed on the freedom of speech and expression, literary, cultural and democratic ambitions, development of youth power, and reorganization of educational system.[166]
On the other hand, the CPB separately declared their manifesto on 3 February. Titled "electoral manifesto of changing the system", it outlines 18 points of pledges that follow: democratic reconstruction, rule of law, anti-corruption, "genuine" local governance, decentralization, electoral reform, restoration of voting rights, reduction of inequality, prevention of inflation and price hikes, employment, poverty alleviation, educational reform, "people-oriented" healthcare services reform, agricultural reform, rural development, workers' and women's rights, youth development, reform in transport and communication infrastructures, environmental protection, addressing the challenges of climate change, "people-oriented" reform in science, technology and research, right to media and information, freedom of expression, development of literal, cultural and progressive social consciousness and establishment of foreign policy based on world peace.[167]
Popular votes were taken at 247,499 booths in 42,766 polling stations countrywide.[40] Around 785,225 election officials were on duty.[168] Voting started at 7:30 BST (01:30 UTC) and ended at 16:30 BST (10:30 UTC).[169] Voter turnout was moderate in the morning throughout the country. Turnout was low in Gopalganj, Hasina's hometown.[170] The polling was described as "festive" and "Eid-like" by the Al Jazeera.[171]
Irregularities
BNP leaders have alleged that Jamaat-e-Islami is transporting outsiders into Dhaka to cast fraudulent votes in an attempt to secure victory in the city's constituencies. The party claimed that these individuals are being housed in secret locations to influence the election outcome. BNP has called on the Election Commission and law enforcement to take immediate action against such irregularities to ensure a fair voting process.[172] Sarwar Hossain Tushar, an 11 Party alliance candidate from NCP for the Narsingdi-2 constituency, has alleged that supporters of the Jamaat-e-Islami candidate are engaging in secret campaigning and "door-to-door" activities in violation of electoral codes. Tushar filed a formal complaint with the returning officer, claiming that these clandestine operations are intended to influence voters outside of the regulated campaigning hours and methods. He called for immediate intervention from the Election Commission to ensure a level playing field for all contestants.[173]
On 5 February 2026, law enforcement agencies in Lakshmipur uncovered a major operation involving the production of illegal voting seals. A printing press owner confessed in court that he had manufactured fake ballot seals under the direct instructions of a local Jamaat-e-Islami leader. Police seized equipment and six fake seals intended for use on election day.[174][175] Two polling agents representing Jamaat-e-Islami were sentenced to two years of rigorous imprisonment for illegally entering a polling center in Mirpur during the election. The individuals were apprehended by law enforcement after failing to provide valid identification or authorization to be present within the facility. Following a summary trial conducted by an executive magistrate, they were convicted of violating electoral regulations and imprisoned.[176] In Bogra, Nasirul Islam, the Ward 2 secretary for Jamaat-e-Islami, was detained by a mobile court for illegally entering the Bhandari Girls' High School polling center late at night.[177]
Jamaat-e-Islami leaders have accused BNP of election irregularities, lodging official complaints to the Election Commission and pledged to resist any violence on election day.[178] On 28 January, a Jamaat-e-Islami leader was killed by BNP activists in Sherpur District.[179] On the eve of election, BNP leader Manjurul Ahsan Munshi was seen threatening voters in Comilla District to vote for a candidate part of the BNP alliance. In a video that went viral, Munshi was heard saying, "If BNP comes to power and you vote for another party, I will not spare any of you. If necessary, I will burn your houses to ashes."[180]
After this, the BNP immediately expelled Manjurul Ahsan Munshi for the statement. This move by the party leadership, led by Senior Joint Secretary General Ruhul Kabir Rizvi, highlights the party's efforts to maintain internal discipline amidst the high-stakes political environment of the 2026 electoral cycle.[181] On the same day, a BNP leader in Shariatpur District, Mojibur Rahman Madbor, was arrested with huge cache of weapons by the Joint Forces. He was previously an activist of the Awami League before joining the BNP following Sheikh Hasina's ouster in 2024.[182] Three more BNP activists were arrested by the Army on the same day in Bogra District with a pistol, five rounds of ammunition and 35 varied local weapons. Two of the arrested were BNP activists and one was a leader of the BNP-affiliated Bangladesh Jatiotabadi Swechhasebak Dal. Local BNP leaders and activists confessed their involvement with the party.[183] On the eve of the election, both BNP and Jamaat-e-Islami leaders and activists were arrested with a large amount of cash and weapons.[184][185][183][186]
Human Rights Support Society (HRSS) had deployed 565 observers for the election but about 48 observers were denied entry to counting rooms. In a few cases, they were obstructed either by election officials or supporters of candidates. According to an official with HRSS, 393 incidents of irregularities and clashes were recorded on the polling day. About 21 polling centres showed signs of irregularities.[187]
A constitutional referendum took place in Bangladesh alongside the general election.[39] Voters were asked about the provisions of the July Charter and related amendments to the Constitution of Bangladesh. A "July Charter implementation order" was issued for this purpose.[188]
The EU conducted an election observation mission at the invitation of the interim government and the EC.[192] The mission was launched on 11 January 2026, one month before the election and led by chief observer Ivars Ijabs.[193][194] On 17 January 56 long-term observers were deployed across the country.[195] The mission included 200 observers from all 27 EU member states, as well as Canada, Norway, and Switzerland.[196] The Commonwealth conducted an election observation mission led by Nana Akufo-Addo, along with 13 other members, including Ras Adiba Radzi, Mohamed Waheed Hassan, and David J. Francis.[197]
Results
The BNP won a landslide victory in the election, securing 209 of the 297 published seats outright, while its allied parties secured 3 seats. The Jamaat-e-Islami came second, securing 68 seats,[3] the highest ever number of seats in its history,[198] while its allies secured 9 seats. The success of the BNP has been attributed to the absence of AL in the election and party's familiarity and perceived experience among the voters,[199] as well as voter's concern for the rise of right-wing politics/extremism,[200][201] while Jamaat mostly won in the constituencies adjacent to western Indian borders, which has been attributed mainly to the anti-India sentiment in the area.[202] According to Indian analysts, Jamaat's victory in the Indian border areas may influence the 2026 West Bengal Legislative Assembly election, particularly the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP)'s campaign.[203]
According to Hasan Ferdous, Jamaat's perceived patriarchal rhetoric demotivated many women to vote for the party, thus many women shifted to BNP.[204] On the other side, BNP had "rebel candidates" in 78 constituencies, who contested as independent candidates against their party candidates. This roughly bifurcated the party's local electorate in at least 28 constituencies, enabling the Jamaat candidates to win in 21 of them.[205] Similarly, Jamaat focused on the Islamist vote bank, but internal division between the major Islamist groups such as the Jamaat, Islami Andolan and the Hefazat-e-Islam also fractured the Islamist vote bank, reducing Jamaat's votes.[206]
Following the unofficial results, BNP urged its supporters to not hold any victory rally or meeting, but instead to pray at mosques at noon nationwide. Both Jamaat and NCP alleged inconsistencies and raised accusations of "election engineering". Jamaat urged its supporters to wait for the official results and future programmes.[210] The party later requested the Election Commission to recount votes in 32 constituencies.[211] The 11 parties organized nationwide demonstrations on 16 February protesting alleged "election engineering" and violence against their supporters following the election.[212] Additionally, the coalition declared to form a "shadow cabinet" against the government cabinet. If it is formed, it will be the first such type of arrangement in Bangladesh.[213][214]
Meanwhile, exiled former prime minister Sheikh Hasina denounced the election, describing it as a "deception" and a "farce".[215] Before the election, in a message sent to the Associated Press, she claimed that the interim government "deliberately disenfranchised millions of her supporters" from the election.[216]
The military was deployed in selected areas, alongside other security forces, to maintain law and order during the election.
By the end of January 2026, the Human Rights Support Society (HRSS) reported at least 62 election-related clashes nationwide since the election schedule was announced. In the same period, since 11 December, at least 16 political activists were killed, raising concerns over renewed political violence. While none of the deaths have officially been classified as politically motivated, local media and rights groups report that BNP leaders and activists account for 13 of the fatalities. Additionally, at least 24 people were shot and more than 200 residences and establishments were attacked during this period. HRSS also stated that at least 10 people were killed and 2,503 injured between October 2025 and 14 February 2026. On polling day, there were 105 clashes, 59 allegations of ballot stuffing, six assaults on candidates, three incidents of ballot box snatching, and two cases of arson[187][220]
According to Transparency International Bangladesh (TIB), BNP was involved with 91.7%, Awami League with 20.7%, Jamaat-e-Islami with 7.7%, and the National Citizen Party (NCP) with 1.2% of the political violence committed since 5 August 2024.[221] Explosives were found being made to sabotage elections in incidents reported in January and December.[222]
On 12 December 2025, Osman Hadi, leader of Inqilab Moncho and an independent candidate for the Dhaka-8 constituency, was shot by Awami League-backed assailants riding motorcycles while conducting an election campaign in the Paltan area of Dhaka. He was later taken to the hospital in critical condition, where he fell into a coma.[223][224][225] He died on 18 December while undergoing treatment in Singapore General Hospital.[226]
Previously, Michael Kugelman, senior fellow with the Asia Pacific Foundation of Canada, expressed concerns of violent actions from the Awami League in reaction to the verdict of the trial of Sheikh Hasina ahead of the general election.[227] Kugelman's concerns were elaborated on by geopolitical analyst Bahauddin Foizee, who noted in The Diplomat that multiple layers of conflict were likely, including between the government and the Awami League, and between the Awami League and other political parties.[228][229] Foizee pointed out that the BNP and Jamaat-e-Islami, both historically united in opposition to Hasina, are now vying for dominance in the post-Hasina political landscape, which could lead to violent confrontations between the two.[230][231] He also highlighted the danger of intra-party conflicts within the BNP and Jamaat, noting that such internal struggles, long embedded in Bangladesh's political culture, could spill over into public unrest, further deepening instability.[232][233]
Post-election
Newly elected Members of Parliament of the Bangladesh Nationalist Party taking oath at the Jatiya Sangsad on 17 February 2026
Following the results, Jamaat accused BNP supporters of attacking supporters of the 11 Parties, their homes and businesses in 21 places in 16 districts nationwide. Prothom Alo found evidence of attacks on most places, though some claims were found to have been false, and even local activists reportedly did not have any idea of such attacks.[234]
Misinformation
A report by Dismiss Lab found that between 16 December 2025 and 15 January 2026, election-related misinformation grew 41% than previous month. Key topics of misinformation include alliance, seat convenience and opinion polls.[235] The Election Commission reportedly detected around 86,000 pieces of artificial intelligence generated disinformation ahead of the election, nearly 36,000 of them were identified as violent in nature, primarily targeting the top party leader like Tarique Rahman and Shafiqur Rahman.[236] According to a report by the Rumor Scanner Bangladesh, Tarique was targeted by rumours in 133 instances while the BNP was affected by 360 rumours. Shafiqur was subject to 54 negative rumors and his party Jamaat-e-Islami was affected by 308 negative rumors.[237]
A BBC Bangla report found that artificial intelligence generated misinformation could impact the general election. Started by the Jamaat-e-Islami supporters, it quickly spread among the BNP and the NCP supporters, which shows fake campaign and voter base of the respective party. According to Dhaka University professor Saiful Alam Chowdhury, such "information disorder" risks post-election riots like Brazil attacks in Bangladesh.[238]
Reports from several fact-checking organizations found that deepfake and cheepfake contents were prevailing before the elections. Fact-checkers, analysts, and law-enforcing officials identified various techniques of spreading misinformation through these media, which include adding misleading captions, cutting out parts of original statements or changing the context to create different meanings, using fabricated statements in the name of a person, and presenting old information as recent events. Some identified people behind these works include some "detected" foreign individuals, Awami League supporters, and Internet "bot armies", which work on behalf of various political parties.[239] The US-based Center for the Study of Organized Hate claimed that between August 2025 and February 2026, more than 700,000 posts of the AI generated contents were published from 17,000 X accounts from "coordinated" Hindu nationalist networks across India, US, UK and Canada, which highlights a "Hindu genocide" ahead of the election.[240]
In popular culture
According to BBC Bangla, more than 250 theme songs were produced before the elections for various parties and candidates, through which studios and artists earned millions of taka.[241]Dhaka 26 is an election-themed romantic drama based on the general election, produced by Esha Rahman, directed by Ishteaque Ahmed, and starring Akash Rahman, Allen Shubhro and Tasnuva Tisha.[242]
1234Bobby Hajjaj of the NDM and AZM Fariduzzaman Farhad of the NPP are only allied candidates from the respective parties, and both of them are contesting with the BNP's ticket.
↑GM Quader is the legally recognized leader of the party. The leadership is disputed among Quader, Rowshan Ershad, and Anisul Islam Mahmud.
12Only the Anisul faction of the party is a member of the alliance.
↑The survey was conducted only on people between the ages of 15 to 35.
↑4.44% for "Other Islamist parties", and 0.55% for "Others".
↑NCP was not formed during the survey. Respondents were asked if they are going to support student led party.
↑In a separate question, 40% of the respondents said that they'll vote for a student-led platform if it is launched, while 44% said they will not endorse it. Among the rest, 9% were undecided, and 8% gave no answer.
↑3% for "other Islamic groups", 2% for "a new political party formed by politicians", and 4% for "others".
12"৫১ দলের নির্বাচনে কোন দলের কত প্রার্থী"[Candidate counts for each party in the 51-party election]. bdnews24.com (in Bengali). 22 January 2026. Retrieved 22 January 2026.
↑"Bangladesh's Pivotal Election and Referendum Has a Date. Will Unrest Follow?". The Diplomat. Archived from the original on 14 December 2025. Retrieved 17 December 2025. As the country moves closer to the upcoming elections, tensions are growing on multiple fronts. There is the potential for clashes not only between the Awami League and law enforcement agencies, but also between the Awami League and other political parties, particularly the BNP, JI, and NCP.
↑"Bangladesh Election: Foizee Warns of Unrest, Yet Hope Remains". South Asia Journal. Archived from the original on 28 December 2025. Retrieved 17 December 2025. In The Diplomat, geopolitical analyst Bahauddin Foizee highlights the deeply fractured nature of Bangladesh's political landscape. The Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP), ..., and the Bangladesh Jamaat-e-Islami (Jamaat), ..., are both positioning themselves as heirs to the post-Hasina order. Though united in their opposition to Hasina, the two parties are now competing with each other for electoral constituencies in the coming election.
↑"Bangladesh's Pivotal Election and Referendum Has a Date. Will Unrest Follow?". The Diplomat. Archived from the original on 14 December 2025. Retrieved 17 December 2025. ...with Hasina's Awami League barred from participating in the election, the resulting political vacuum could lead to heightened confrontations between the BNP and JI, two parties with a long history of animosity toward the Awami League. Although in the past they often found common ground in their opposition to Hasina, these parties are now competing for power and influence. The rivalry between the BNP and JI could exacerbate political instability as they vie for dominance in the post-Hasina landscape. Moreover, internal divisions within the BNP and JI may further fuel unrest.
↑Kumari, Rupa. "Bangladesh Politics Could Get Uglier". International Policy Digest. Archived from the original on 19 December 2025. Retrieved 17 December 2025. The problem, Foizee suggests, is not simply rivalry between parties, but rivalry within them. Internal divisions...inside both the BNP and Jamaat could further fuel unrest, as leaders fight for nominations, constituencies, and the authority to speak for the party as a whole...these intra-party contests can spill outward, transforming organizational disputes into public confrontations...
↑Abir, Tanvir Mahatab (11 February 2026). "তফসিল থেকে প্রচারণা: কেমন ছিল নির্বাচনী অপতথ্য?"[From Schedule to Campaign: What was the Election Disinformation Like?]. Rumor Scanner (in Bengali). Archived from the original on 11 February 2026. Retrieved 12 February 2026.
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