The term Spiritual Franciscans refers to two distinct yet interrelated phenomena within the first two centuries of the Order of Friars Minor: a broad and diverse current advocating for a rigorous interpretation of the Rule, present even during the lifetime of Francis of Assisi; and a specific, organized movement that emerged in the mid-1270s and persisted for approximately fifty years. [1]
The early movement of the Spiritual Franciscanism reflects the ideals and lifestyle adopted by Francis of Assisi and his first companions prior to the formal institutionalization of the Order of Friars Minor. During this formative period, apostolic poverty was practiced radically and directly, unencumbered by complex regulations or rigid legal frameworks; the group's cohesion relied primarily on the personal charisma of the Poverello. [2] This primitive fraternity, lacking material security and centralized organization, derived its stability from its small scale and shared spiritual purpose. [3] However, as the Order expanded, the influx of new members—often from the clergy or intellectual circles—rendered this informal way of life increasingly untenable against the administrative demands of a growing international institution. [4]
Following the death of Francis, internal tensions intensified regarding the interpretation and application of the Rule of Saint Francis. In his final days, Francis composed his Testament, which demanded literal adherence to the ideal of poverty; however, the papacy soon declared the document non-binding. This ruling facilitated structural modifications that were viewed by some as necessary institutional adaptations and by others as a fundamental betrayal of the founding charism. [5] Within this climate of resistance, the "Spiritual" faction emerged. They advocated for a rigorous and absolute observance of poverty—specifically the principle of Usus pauper (poor use)—and rejected the practical compromises and dispensations introduced by the Order's hierarchy over time. [5]
The Franciscan Spirituals did not represent a mere continuation of the movement's origins; rather, they emerged as a rigorous faction within an Order that had become increasingly large and hierarchical. They advocated for a strict observance of the Rule, viewing any institutional concession as an erosion of Franciscan identity. Consequently, they opposed the "Conventual" elements of the Order who sought compromises to facilitate the organization's integration into contemporary society . [6] Over time, certain segments of the Spirituals developed complex theological frameworks influenced by prophetic and apocalyptic traditions, interpreting the history of the Order through a Joachimite lens of providential history . [7]
The fundamental distinction between the early Franciscan era and the rise of the Spirituals lies in the conceptualization of poverty. In the early years, poverty was an immediate, lived experience; for the Spirituals, it became a doctrinal principle to be defended amidst escalating tensions and overt conflict with both the Order's leadership and the Papacy. By the 14th century, this ideological rigidity led to formal condemnations and systematic persecutions, marking a definitive departure from the relative simplicity of the movement's inception . [8] The doctrine of the absolute poverty of Christ (also termed apostolic poverty) reachied its polemical zenith between 1210 and 1323. The core premise of the doctrine was that Christ and the Apostles possessed no property whatsoever, neither individually nor as a collective community. This debate culminated in the so-called theoretical poverty controversy of 1322–23. [9]
Drawing inspiration from their founder, Francis of Assisi, early Franciscans operated as itinerant preachers who strictly observed the injunction in Luke 9:3:
Take nothing for the journey, neither walking stick, nor sack, nor food, nor money, and let no one take a second tunic.
This radical commitment to the mendicant ethos—specifically the practice of begging for alms—fostered friction with traditional monastic orders, who competed for the same charitable resources, and with local donors burdened by the friars' frequent appeals. As the Order expanded, it faced the pragmatic necessity of maintaining infirmaries for the elderly and supporting friars engaged in university-level theological training. [10]
The Calabrian abbot Joachim of Fiore is regarded as one of the most distinctive figures in medieval religious thought. His theological framework, predicated on a complex allegorical interpretation of Scripture, divided human history into three distinct ages corresponding to the persons of the Trinity: the Age of the Father, the Son, and the Holy Spirit. [11] This historicist vision, which prophesied a future era of spiritual perfection and divine illumination, exerted a profound influence during the 13th century, despite Joachim's specific Trinitarian doctrines being condemned at the Fourth Council of the Lateran in 1215. [12] Joachite theories were enthusiastically embraced by the Franciscans, who viewed them as a prefiguration of a community of "spiritual poor" destined to renew the Church. [13] In particular, the Spiritual Franciscans identified their own Order with the "Contemplative" order foretold by Joachim. [14] While moderates interpreted this prophecy as an exhortation toward internal reform and the restoration of evangelical poverty, more radical factions—influenced by figures such as Gerard of Borgo San Donnino—adopted an apocalyptic reading. These groups anticipated the advent of the Antichrist and the subsequent dawn of a new age defined by peace and charity. [15]
Franciscan Joachism fostered a prolific literary output, ranging from the works of Angelo Clareno and Ubertino of Casale to pseudo-Joachite treatises such as the Liber de Flore and the Vaticinia Anselmi , which merged historical analysis with prophetic visions of spiritual renewal. [16] Within these texts, the papacy was frequently characterized as corrupt and antithetical to the original Franciscan ideal, with the regeneration of the Church entrusted to a future "Angelic Pope". [17]
Between the 14th and 15th centuries, Joachite thought persisted within Fraticelli circles and among the Provencal Beguines, continuing to inspire expectations of a universal renewal rooted in poverty and charity. [18] In later spiritual literature, this legacy resurfaces in the Historia septem tribulationum and notably in Ubertino of Casale’s Arbor Vitae Crucifixae Jesu Christi , a work that helped cement Joachim’s presence within the Paradiso of Dante Alighieri. [19]
Angelo Clareno was a Franciscan friar, author, and translator, recognized as a leading figure of the Spiritual movement between the 13th and 14th centuries. After joining the Order of Friars Minor, he became a staunch advocate for a literal adherence to the Rule of Saint Francis and the ideal of absolute poverty, opposing the increasing institutionalization of the Order. Internal tensions led him, alongside Pietro da Macerata (later known as Fra Liberato), to petition Pope Celestino V for the recognition of a new eremitical fraternity. This group, known as the Poor Hermits or Clareni, was formally separated from the Conventual Franciscans. [20]
Initially protected by Cardinal Napoleone Orsini, Angelo assumed leadership of the group following Liberato's death. He established several communities in Lazio, the Marche, and the Kingdom of Naples, organizing them into provinces governed by custodes and guardians, modeled after the original Franciscan structure. [21] According to Douie, letters and inquisitorial records from 1334 suggest that while the members practiced rigorous poverty and devotion, some elements of the movement adopted a polemical stance against the secular clergy and Pope John XXII. [22]
Angelo spent his final years at the Monastery of Subiaco, where he focused on the translation of Greek ascetic texts, including the Rule of Saint Basil and the Ladder of Divine Ascent by John Climacus. These works were instrumental in introducing Eastern patristic spirituality to the West. [23] He is also noted for his Expositio Regulae Fratrum Minorum, a commentary on the Franciscan Rule characterized by evangelical rigor that eschewed the scholastic and theological mediations of authors such as Bonaventure. [24] In his primary historical work, the Liber chronicarum sive tribulationum ordinis Minorum , Angelo presents a dramatic narrative of the Order's perceived decline from the ideals of Francis of Assisi. Written likely during his early years in Subiaco, this chronicle remains a critical source for understanding the Spiritual movement and its conflicts with ecclesiastical authorities. [25]
Following his death c. 1337, Angelo's reputation for sanctity spread rapidly. His associate Simone da Cassia compiled his letters and sayings, while the Celestine prior Tommaso l’Inglese composed an Office in his honor. Although he received popular veneration as a "Blessed" and was included by the Bollandists in the Acta Sanctorum for June 15, he never received official canonization from the Church. [23] Angelo's work and thought represent a synthesis of early Franciscan rigorism and Eastern mystical influences, serving as a significant reference for the later Observants and subsequent spiritual reforms within the Order. [26]
Peter John Olivi (Pietro di Giovanni Olivi) was a Provencal Franciscan theologian and a preeminent figure within the Spiritual movement. Born in Sérignan, near Béziers, he was raised in a region deeply influenced by Joachitism, an intellectual heritage that significantly shaped his religious and eschatological views. [27] After joining the Order of Friars Minor, he served as a lector in Florence and other centers of learning, where he gained prominence for his doctrinal rigor and his nuanced synthesis of spirituality and moral realism. [28] Olivi’s theological reflection centered on evangelical poverty and the concept of usus pauper (poor use), which he considered intrinsically linked to the vow of poverty. He argued that an unrestricted use of material goods would render the renunciation of ownership a mere legal fiction. Consequently, he maintained that the path to Christian perfection required a strict adherence to the example of Christ and the Apostles through the total renunciation of temporal goods. [29] However, he avoided radical asceticism, asserting that the application of such rules required pastoral discretion and a consideration of specific circumstances, thereby discouraging excessively harsh judgments of fellow friars. [30]
While staunchly opposing perceived abuses within the Order—such as the procuratorial system and the privilege of burial within Franciscan churches—Olivi maintained a fundamentally moderate stance and remained loyal to the Church hierarchy. [30] He contended that even the Pope lacked the authority to grant dispensations from the vow of poverty, as papal power was intended to edify spiritual life rather than dismantle the evangelical ideal. [31] Philosophically, Olivi is regarded as a transitional figure between Bonaventure and the later Scholasticism of Duns Scotus and William of Ockham. Although not always ranked among the primary medieval philosophers, his thought demonstrates significant autonomy and rational coherence. [32] His principal works include the Quodlibeta, [32] commentaries on the Sentences , [33] and the Lectura super Apocalypsim (Commentary on the Apocalypse). The latter, influenced by Joachim of Fiore, envisioned a spiritual renewal of the Church and the dawn of the Age of the Spirit; however, it was condemned in 1319 due to its prophetic and apocalyptic assertions. [34] Olivi’s influence was enduring: while he remained a guiding light for the Spirituals and the Beguines of Provence, his theses frequently provoked hostility from ecclesiastical authorities, who viewed his positions as a precursor to heterodoxy. [35]
Ubertino da Casale was a Franciscan friar, theologian, and leading figure within the Spiritual movement. A disciple of Peter Olivi, Ubertino became a prominent, albeit controversial, advocate for the literal and rigid observance of the Rule of Saint Francis and his Testament. He emerged as a primary leader of the order's most intransigent faction, dedicated to the defense of paupertas absoluta (absolute poverty). [36]
Ubertino played a central role in the theological and jurisdictional disputes that divided the Franciscan Order in the early 14th century. He represented the Spirituals during the inquiry commissioned by Pope Clement V and was a key protagonist at the Council of Vienne (1311–1312), where he fervently argued for evangelical poverty against the positions of the Conventuals. [37] Following the failure of his appeals at the Curia, he withdrew to La Verna, where he composed his major work, Arbor Vitae Crucifixae Iesu Christi . This extensive mystical-theological treatise integrates meditations on the Passion, biblical exegesis, and Joachimite apocalypticism. [38] [38] Dedicated to "all true faithful of Christ and friends of holy Poverty," the Arbor Vitae is regarded as a seminal work of Franciscan mysticism. [39] Douie describes the work as a "prose poem of the life and passion of Christ," noting its synthesis of religious fervor, theological reflection, and personal introspection. [40] The text includes sharp invectives against clerical corruption and the perceived opulence of the Order, alongside lyrical passages devoted to Poverty and Saint Francis. [41]
In his later years, Ubertino aligned himself with the imperial party of Louis the Bavarian, openly opposing Pope John XXII and preaching against him in Como in 1329. [38] A letter from Pope Benedict XII (1341) refers to him as "quondam Ubertinus de Elia de Casale," suggesting he was already deceased by that date, possibly in violent circumstances according to later tradition. [38]
Ubertino's thought, deeply influenced by apocalyptic and Joachimite themes, left a significant mark on medieval spirituality and Italian literature. In the Divine Comedy , Dante Alighieri references him in Paradiso (Canto XII, 124–126), pairing him with Matteo d'Acquasparta as representatives of two opposing extremes that drifted from the Franciscan ideal. [36] Douie suggests that Dante drew upon imagery from the Arbor Vitae for the hagiographic cantos of Francis and Dominic. [42] Despite its polemical tone and radical historical vision, Ubertino’s work remains a primary testament to the reformist and mystical tensions within the Franciscan movement during the 13th and 14th centuries. [43]
Michael of Cesena (c. 1270 – 1342) was an Italian Franciscan friar and theologian who served as the Minister General of the Order of Friars Minor from 1316 to 1328. He is primarily known for his staunch opposition to Pope John XXII during the conflict over apostolic poverty and for leading the dissident faction later known as the "Michaelists."
Born in the late 13th century in the settlement of Ficchio, near Cesena, Michael is traditionally associated with the Foschi family. He entered the Franciscan Order and likely received his early education at the studium of Cesena, attached to the convent of San Francesco (on the site now occupied by the Malatestiana Library). [44] In 1316, while teaching theology in Paris, he was elected Minister General during the General Chapter of Naples. His candidacy was supported by twenty-eight electors and bolstered by the patronage of King Robert of Naples and Queen Sancha of Majorca. [44] During his generalate, Michael advocated for structural reforms and expanded evangelical missions, while navigating the growing rift between the "Spiritual" and "Conventual" factions of the Order. Although he maintained a rigorous interpretation of Franciscan poverty, he initially adopted a cautious stance toward the more radical elements of the movement. [44]
At the General Chapter of Perugia in 1322, the Order formally asserted that Christ and the Apostles owned nothing, neither individually nor in common, exercising only a "de facto use" (usus facti) of goods. Michael, alongside Bonagrazia of Bergamo and William of Ockham, championed this position, which challenged the earlier Bonaventurian synthesis. [44] Pope John XXII responded by issuing a series of papal bulls—Ad conditorem canonum, Quia quorundam, and Cum inter nonnullos—which declared the doctrine of "de facto use" heretical, arguing that Christian perfection was rooted in charity rather than poverty. Michael countered by citing the decretal Exiit qui seminat issued by Pope Nicholas III. [44] Summoned to Avignon in 1327 to defend his views, Michael became increasingly alienated from the Curia. On May 26, 1328, fearing imprisonment, he fled Avignon with Bonagrazia and Ockham. The group sought refuge first in Pisa and subsequently at the court of the Holy Roman Emperor, Louis the Bavarian. [44]
Michael's followers, the Michaelists, formed a radical dissident current within the Franciscan tradition. While sharing the Fraticelli's emphasis on absolute poverty and their critique of ecclesiastical wealth, the Michaelists further developed sophisticated theories regarding the limits of papal authority. [44] They argued that a pope who fell into heresy forfeited his office ipso facto and could be judged by the faithful—a significant development in medieval ecclesiology. [44] Despite his excommunication, Michael remained a prominent intellectual figure in Northern and Central Italy. From his exile in Munich, he and his circle produced several polemical appeals between 1328 and 1338 against John XXII and his successors. These writings introduced innovative political concepts concerning the separation of spiritual and temporal powers. [44]