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Ottoman expeditions to Morocco

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Ottoman expeditions to Morocco
Ottoman miniature depicting the capture of Fez under the command of Ramazan Pasha, Beylerbey of Algiers..jpg
Ottoman miniature depicting the 1576 capture of Fez.
DateJanuary 1554, March 1576
Location
Kingdom of Fez, Saadi Sultanate
Result

Algerian-Ottoman victory

  • Ottoman Algerian forces conquer Fez and install vassal rulers on both expeditions [1] [2]
  • Nominal Moroccan recognition of Ottoman suzerainty [2] [3] [4] [5] [6] [7] [8]
Belligerents
1554 Expedition
Wattasid Sultanate
Ottoman Empire Kingdom of Kuku
Principality of Debdou
1576 Expedition
Ottoman Empire
Saadi Sultanate
Commanders and leaders
Ali Abu Hassun
Abd al-Malik
Suleiman I
Murad III
Salah Rais
Ramadan Pasha 		Mohammed al-Shaykh
Mohammed al-Mutawakkil

In the 16th century the Ottomans undertook several expeditions to the Saadi Sultanate, a state which ruled present-day Morocco and parts of Northwest Africa.

Contents

Capture of Fez (1554)

Background

In the early 16th century in Morocco, the country was not united under one dynasty and the Wattasids and Saadis became enemies, which led to the Wattasids seeking military help from the Ottomans.

First period of vassal status

In 1545 Ali Abu Hassun, the Wattasid ruler in northern Morocco, recognised the full authority of the Ottoman sultan, sent a letter of submission and declared himself an Ottoman vassal thus attributing a vassal status to Fez. [8] [9] [10] [11] Later on in 1549, the Ottomans were unable to militarily intervene when the Wattasids lost Fez to their Saadian rivals under their leader Mohammed ash-Sheikh. [9]

Second period of vassal status

Abu Hassun’s alliance with the Ottomans ultimately led to the Capture of Fez in 1554. According to Louis de Chénier  [ fr ], the forces of Salah Rais consisted of 4,000 troops and the forces of Mohammed ash-Sheikh were more than 20,000 and outnumbered Salah Reis’ army by more than five to one. [12] According to Ernest Mercier, Salah Reis’ troops were numbered at 11,000 men while ash-Sheikh's forces were numbered at 40,000. [13] Salah Reis was able to defeat the Saadians and conquer Fez, installing the Wattasid sovereign Abu Hassun on the throne as a vassal of the Ottomans. [14]

Aftermath

The Ottoman troops, Turks and Berbers from Kabylia stayed in Fez for four months harassing the population until Ali Abu Hassun bought the withdrawal of the Ottoman troops. Upon his withdrawal from Fez, Salah Rais assured the Saadi ruler that he would grant his enemy, Ali Abu Hassun, no further assistance. [12] Ali Abu Hassun then hired mercenaries for his own army. However, the Wattasids now without the help of the Ottoman troops were defeated in the Battle of Tadla and Fez was reconquered by the Saadis. [15]

Capture of Fez (1576)

Background

After the Saadi ruler ash-Sheikh had been assassinated by the Ottomans, Abd al-Malik and his brother fled from Morocco. During his exile, Abd al-Malik became a trusted member of the Ottoman establishment. Murad III agreed to a proposition made by Abd al-Malik of making Morocco an Ottoman vassal in exchange for Murad’s support in helping him gain the Saadi throne. [16] Murad III then ordered the governor of Algiers, Ramadan Pasha, to invade Morocco and install Abd al-Malik on the throne as an Ottoman vassal, and so they left from Algiers. [17] [18]

The Ottoman Sultan Murad III Murad III- Sahand Ace.jpg
The Ottoman Sultan Murad III

Third period of vassal status

Ramadan Pasha arrived in Fez with Abd al-Malik and the Ottoman army, Fez was easily conquered, which then caused the Saadi ruler, Abu Abdallah Mohammed, to flee to Marrakesh. However, Marrakesh was also conquered following a battle at Khaynuqa-r-Rayhan on 14 July. [19] [20] [1] In both the Battle of Ar-Rukn and the Battle of Khaynaqu-r-Rayhan, an Ottoman half moon formation like that of the Battle of Mohacs was used. [21] Abd al-Malik then assumed rule over Morocco as an Ottoman vassal recognising Ottoman suzerainty. [3] [22] [6] [7] [18] [23] Murad's name was recited in the Friday prayer and stamped on coinage marking the two traditional signs of sovereignty in the Islamic world. [24] Abd al-Malik sent the Ottoman troops back to Algiers in exchange for gold while suggesting a looser concept of vassalage than the Ottoman sultan, Murad III, may have supposed. [25] [26] Abd al-Malik had recognised himself as a vassal of the Sublime Porte. [5] The reign of Abd al-Malik (1576-1578) is understood to be a period of Moroccan vassalage to the Ottoman Empire. [3] [22]

Aftermath

After the victory, Abd al-Malik received a letter from Murad III offering fatherly congratulations, but expressing his disappointment at an unfinished job, as the deposed ruler, Abu Abdallah Mohammed, remained alive. [27] He was the first Saadi ruler to break the tradition of not entering any bond of vassalage with a foreign entity and his letters described him as “Slave of the Great Turk.” [28] [29] He set his contingent of Turkish advisors to reshape his army along Ottoman lines.

Under Abd al-Malik, Moroccan society underwent an Ottomanization process which continued under his successor, Ahmad al-Mansur. [30] [31] [32] [33] He adopted Turkish clothing for himself, his subjects and his army, dressing himself like an Ottoman, he also used Ottoman titles for his officials, he Ottomanized his army as well as his administration and he spoke Turkish in court. [34] [35] [36] He designed the entire defence strategy for his state, largely based on help from the Turkish army. [37] Firepower was considerably increased, Moroccan cavalrymen were trained to manoeuvre in the Turkish style and the title “sipahi” was adopted for the mounted arquebusiers. [38] Thus the Saadians followed the Turkish example by observing the equipment and the organisation of the Turks of Algiers. [39]

In 1578, Abd al-Malik fought a battle against the Portuguese Empire in which he lost his life. However, the outcome of the battle was an immense victory. During the battle, although the exact formation is difficult to unravel, Abd al-Malik’s army closely followed the classical Ottoman formation and implemented a variant of the Ottoman practice of concealing artillery. [40] Abd al-Malik was succeeded by his brother Ahmad al-Mansur who formally recognised the suzerainty of the Ottoman Sultan at the beginning of his reign while remaining de facto independent. However, Ahmad stopped minting coins in Murad’s name, dropped Murad’s name from the Khutba and declared his full independence in 1582. [41] [42] Ahmad al-Mansur continued the Ottomanization process in Morocco and seems to have attributed the victory at Alcácer Quibir to the influence of the Turkish troops and officers who served under Abd al-Malik, he considered them to be the best equipped, organised, disciplined and trained on the field. [43] [44]

The Beylerbey of Algiers then convinced Murad III to authorise an attack on Morocco. Ahmad then sent an embassy with sizeable gifts to Constantinople, with the hopes of Murad III calling off the attack. [45] The Moroccans paid a tribute of more than 100,000 gold coins and agreed to show respect to the Ottoman Sultan, in return they were unofficially left alone. [46] In the same year, Moroccan envoys attended a ceremony at Istanbul for Mehmet III and brought many gifts, apart from the gifts they also made a payment of four thousand gold in taxes as they were under Ottoman protection. [47] They agreed to a treaty of mutual recognition and maintained peaceful relations. Every year Ahmad sent a gift to Istanbul which the Ottomans saw as a tribute, acknowledging their supremacy, and the Moroccans saw as a way of honouring the Ottomans for defending the Islamic lands. [48] In 1587, Ahmad al-Mansur did not pay tribute, however there is strong evidence that he continued to pay tribute to the Ottomans through to the end of the sixteenth century. [49] The relations between Ahmad al-Mansur and the Ottomans were ambiguous, sometimes he recognised Ottoman sovereignty theoretically by sending tribute to the Ottoman sultan and pronouncing the khutba said in his name, while at other times he rejected the Ottoman claims, had the khutba in his name and minted money in his own name. [50] [51]

References

  1. 1 2 ‎هيسبريس تمودا‫ Volume 29, Issue 1 Editions techniques nord-africaines, 1991
  2. 1 2 Page 406-408, The Cambridge History of Africa, Vol. 3: c. 1050-c. 1600 (Volume 3)
  3. 1 2 3 Barletta, Vincent (2010-05-15). Death in Babylon: Alexander the Great and Iberian Empire in the Muslim Orient: Pages 82 and 104. University of Chicago Press. p. 82. ISBN   978-0-226-03739-4.
  4. ↑ Langues et littératures, Volume 1 Faculté des lettres et des sciences humaines
  5. 1 2 La bataille de l'Oued el-Makhâzen: dite bataille des Trois Rois (4 aout 1578) Pierre Berthier Editions du Centre national de la recherche scientifique, 1985
  6. 1 2 La Kalaa des Béni Abbès au XVIe siècle. p.276. Youssef Benoudjit Dahlab, 1997
  7. 1 2 Islam et Occident méditerranéen: de la conquête aux Ottomans p.289 - Comité des travaux historiques et scientifiques
  8. 1 2 The Appearance of Vassal States and “Suzerainty” in the Ottoman Empire:The Case of Wallachia and Moldavia - Mayuzumi Akitsu
  9. 1 2 Jamil M. Abun-Nasr (20 August 1987). A History of the Maghrib in the Islamic Period. Cambridge University Press. p.156. ISBN   978-0-521-33767-0.
  10. ↑ Ahmad Al-Mansur: Islamic Visionary - p.11 Richard Lee Smith Pearson Longman,
  11. ↑ The Last Great Muslim Empires. p.103. By H. J. Kissling, Bertold Spuler, N. Barbour, J. S. Trimingham, H. Braun, H. Hartel
  12. 1 2 The Present State of the Empire of Morocco. Its Animals, Products, Climate, Soil, Cities, Ports, Provinces, Coins, Weights, and Measures. With the Language, Religion, Laws, Manners, Customs, and Character, of the Moors; the History of the Dynasties Since Edris; the Naval Force and Commerce of Morocco; and the Character, Conduct, and Views, Political and Commercial, of the Reigning Emperor. Translated from the French of M. Chenier. Vol. 1. [-2.], Volume 2
  13. ↑ Mercier, Ernest (1891). Histoire de l'Afrique septentrionale (Berbérie) depuis les temps les plus reculés jusqu'à la conquête française (1930) (in French). Ernest Leroux
  14. ↑ Page 406, The Cambridge History of Africa, Vol. 3: c. 1050-c. 1600 (Volume 3)
  15. ↑ Page 406-407, The Cambridge History of Africa, Vol. 3: c. 1050-c. 1600 (Volume 3)
  16. ↑ Akyeampong, Emmanuel Kwaku; Jr, Professor Henry Louis Gates (2012-02-02). Dictionary of African Biography. Oxford University Press. p. 23. ISBN   978-0-19-538207-5.
  17. ↑ The Cambridge History of Africa, Volume 3 - J. D. Fage: Pg 408
  18. 1 2 Hess, Andrew (1978). The Forgotten Frontier : A History of the Sixteenth-Century Ibero-African Frontier. University of Chicago Press. ISBN   978-0-226-33031-0
  19. ↑ Sousa, Luís Costa. "A experiência da guerra europeia no norte de África português (1508-12 e 1574-78)." Los orígenes de la expansión europea ceuta 1415 1 (2019): 323-353. p.338.
  20. ↑ Costa e Sousa, Luís (n.d.). "Na Outra Margem De Alcácer Quibir: A Guerra Dos Saʿdidas, 1546–1613". The Iberian Peninsula and North Africa (15th to 17th Centuries): History and Heritage (in Portuguese). History and Heritage.{{cite book}}: CS1 maint: year (link)
  21. ↑ Costa, p. 239.
  22. 1 2 "Langues et littératures". Faculté des lettres et des sciences humaines. January 20, 1981 – via Google Books.
  23. ↑ A Struggle for the Sahara:Idrīs ibn ‘Alī’s Embassy toAḥmad al-Manṣūr in the Context ofBorno-Morocco-Ottoman Relations, 1577-1583  Rémi Dewière Université de Paris Panthéon Sorbonne
  24. ↑ Itzkowitz, Norman (March 15, 1980). Ottoman Empire and Islamic Tradition. University of Chicago Press. ISBN   978-0-226-38806-9 – via Google Books.
  25. ↑ Page 409, The Cambridge History of Africa, Vol. 3: c. 1050-c. 1600 (Volume 3)
  26. ↑ Akyeampong, Emmanuel Kwaku; Jr, Professor Henry Louis Gates (2012-02-02). Dictionary of African Biography. Oxford University Press. p. 23. ISBN   978-0-19-538207-5.
  27. ↑ Page 266: Roads to Ruin: The War for Morocco in the Sixteenth Century By Comer Plummer III
  28. ↑ Page 111: Death in Babylon: Alexander the Great and Iberian Empire in the Muslim Orient By Vincent Barletta
  29. ↑ Page 240: Roads to Ruin: The War for Morocco in the Sixteenth Century By Comer Plummer III
  30. ↑ García-Arenal, Mercedes (2006). Messianism and Puritanical Reform: Mahdīs of the Muslim West. Netherlands: Brill. ISBN   978-90-04-15051-5. His brief reign opened a period, which continued under his brother and successor, of "Turkification" of Morocco, especially in the organisation of the makhzan and armed forces.
  31. ↑ Costa, p. 216.
  32. ↑ Cook, Michael (2024). A History of the Muslim World: From Its Origins to the Dawn of Modernity. Princeton University Press. p. 744. ISBN   978-0-691-23657-5. No realistic ruler of the country in this period could fail to be aware that the Ottoman state was far more powerful than his own, and the result was a tendency to Ottomanization that was entirely compatible with hostility to the Ottoman presence on Morocco's eastern frontier." "He dressed like an Ottoman, Ottomanized his army and administration, and adopted Ottoman titles for his officials. According to a bureaucrat and historian who wrote toward the end of the century, down to the mid-1570s the Saʿdid caliphs ran a plain Arab state that dealt with issues as needed, unconstrained by elaborate rules and regulations. Then ʿAbd al-Malik came to the throne and forcefully moved the state away from the Arab way of governing toward the non-Arab way—in other words, the Ottoman way." "Ahmad al-Mansūr shared his experience of exile and was likewise something of an Ottomanizer; his expansion across the Sahara spread the Ottoman title "pasha" to the banks of the Niger, and later Saʿdid rulers such as Zaydān (r. 1603–27) issued coins modeled on those of the Ottoman sultans.
  33. ↑ Berthier, Pierre (1985). La bataille de l'Oued el-Makhâzen : dite bataille des Trois Rois (4 août 1578) (in French). France: Éditions du Centre national de la recherche scientifique. p. 95. ISBN   978-2-222-03785-9. Page 94: "C'est à Abdelmalek que l'on doit à partir de cette date, la réorganisation complète de l'armée régulière sur le modèle ottoman, ainsi que l'utilisation d'une terminologie turque. « Les détachements de la garde du sultan désignés par les Marocains sous le nom d'El-Makhzaniya ou « Ahl el Rikab » sont devenus, selon leur spécialité : bondokdar, beledrouch, boyyak, peik, sollak etc. Ces noms se rapportent aux formations de janissaires. Les arquebusiers à cheval ont commencé d'être nommés à la turque « sipahi » (320). Avec les réformes d'Abdelmalek, fortement influencé par la valeur militaire des janissaires turcs, l'infanterie saadienne qui jusque là n'était pas tenue en grande estime, verra ses effectifs croître dans de notables proportions, mais surtout sa puissance de feu augmenter considérablement et dans le domaine de la technique du combat les fantassins marocains apprendront à manœuvrer a la turque." Page 95: "Ainsi donc, l'armée marocaine qui, jusqu'à la fin du règne d'el-Moutaouakil, comme nous l'enseigne El-Fichtâli, « était restée organisée à la façon arabe sous le rapport du costume, des vivres, etc. » (322), tout en utilisant des innovations techniques et tactiques inspirées des modèles turc et ibérique, ressembla à partir de 1576 à l'armée ottomane et bénéficia à l'image de son modèle d'une redoutable efficacité. D'ailleurs cette turquisation ne se limita pas au seul domaine de l'armée. Abdelmalek entrepris dans le même temps l'ottomanisation de la société marocaine, bien que l'intrusion d'usages nouveaux répugnât à une forte partie de la population du pays" Page 97: "Les Saadiens à ce point de vue se reportaient à l'exemple turc, observant l'équipement et l'organisation de l'armée turque en Algérie."
  34. ↑ Smith, Richard Lee (2006). Ahmad Al-Mansur: Islamic Visionary. Pearson Longman. p. 26. ISBN   978-0-321-25044-5. Page 26: "He convinced the Ottomans of his intentions to serve as a loyal client. Friday prayers were said in the Ottoman sultan's name, and the Moroccan army and government were reorganized using Turkish models. Abd al-Malik dressed in Turkish clothes, spoke Turkish in court, and sent gifts and flattering letters to the sultan in Constantinople." Page 52: "Even al-Mansur had to admit, if grudgingly, that the Turkish contingents at Wadi al-Makhazin had been among the best equipped, orga-nized, trained and disciplined on either side of the field" Page 57:"The Moroccans paid a tribute of over 100,000 gold coins and in outward appearance agreed to show official respect to the Ottoman ruler. In return they were unofficially left alone.
  35. ↑ Cook 2024, p. 744.
  36. ↑ García-Arenal, Mercedes (2012). Ahmad al-Mansur: The Beginnings of Modern Morocco. United States: Simon & Schuster. ISBN   978-1-78074-208-3.
  37. ↑ Garcia 2006, p. 274.
  38. ↑ Berthier 1985, p. 94.
  39. ↑ Berthier 1985, p. 97.
  40. ↑ Costa, p. 234.
  41. ↑ Rivet, Daniel (2012). Histoire du Maroc: de Moulay Idrîs à Mohammed VI. Fayard
  42. ↑ A Struggle for the Sahara:Idrīs ibn ‘Alī’s Embassy to Aḥmad al-Manṣūr in the Context of Borno-Morocco-Ottoman Relations, 1577-1583 Rémi Dewière Université de Paris Panthéon Sorbonne
  43. ↑ Abun-Nasr, Jamil M. (1971). A History of the Maghrib. Cambridge University Press. p. 211. ISBN   978-0-521-07981-5. Ahmad al-Mansur seems to have attributed the Moroccan victory at the Battle of the Three Kings to the salutary influence which the Turkish troops and officers who served under 'Abdul-Malik had on the discipline and methods of warfare of the rest of the army. Consequently he embarked upon the apparently paradoxical step of organizing the army, which he built amongst other reasons in order to protect Morocco against the Turks, along Turkish patterns. But in fact this policy is less paradoxical than it seems, since many of those so-called Turks he employed were soldiers of fortune, often of non-Turkish and non-Muslim extraction, who adopted the habits and religion of the Turkish ruling class in Algeria for the sake of advancement. The "Turks" were employed by Ahmad al-Mansur as instructors. Some of them were placed in charge of the royal arsenals, and others manned the artillery division. The widespread use of firearms by the Moroccans in the second half of the sixteenth century, which facilitated their conquest of Songhay territory in the 1590s, is credited to Turkish influence. The military titles and names used in the army were also Turkish: "beylerbey" and "pasha" were used as titles of the commanders of regiments, and the mounted troops were referred to by the Turkish name "sipahis". The Turks provided the technical skills and forms of organization.
  44. ↑ Smith 2006, p. 52.
  45. ↑ Page 64: Reviving the Islamic Caliphate in Early Morocco
  46. ↑ Smith 2006, p. 57.
  47. ↑ Ceran, İsmail (1996). "Vâdilmehâzin Savaşı (4 Ağustos 1578)". Belleten. 60 (228). Türk Tarih Kurumu Basımevi: 271–388. doi: 10.37879/belleten.1996.271 . PP:374-375 "1582/990 tarihinde Magrib elçileri İstanbul'a gelerek Sehzade Mehmed'in (III. Mehmet 1595-1603 arası pâdişâh olur) sünnet düğününde bulunmuşlar ve sedef sandık İçinde bir tesbih, altı adet kıymetli seccade, bir murassa eğer, bir murassa sorgç, dört top kumaş, inci vb. gibi pek ağır hediyeler getirmişlerdi; bunların hediyelerinden başka OsmanlI himayesinde bulundukları için dort bin altin vergileri de gelmişti[364]."
  48. ↑ Page 65: Reviving the Islamic Caliphate in Early Morocco
  49. ↑ Hess, Andrew C. (1972). "The battle of Lepanto and its place in Mediterranean history". Past & Present (57): 53–73. doi:10.1093/past/57.1.53. JSTOR   650416. There is ample evidence that the Saadi sultan paid a tribute to the Ottomans through to the end of the sixteenth century.
  50. ↑ Tolan, John (2025). Islam: A New History from Muhammad to the Present. Princeton University Press. ISBN   978-0-691-26353-3.
  51. ↑ Middleton, John (2005). World Monarchies and Dynasties: Fr–M. United States: Sharpe Reference. p. 573. ISBN   978-0-7656-8050-1. al‑Mansur was successful in keeping his own putative masters, the Ottomans, from interfering in Morocco's rule. Morocco was, in fact, a part of the Ottoman Empire, but it profited from being so distant from the Ottoman centers of power in the Middle East that al‑Mansur was able to rule with nearly complete autonomy.
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