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Islam in the United Kingdom

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Islam in the United Kingdom
Allah-green.svg
Suffa Tul Islam Central Mosque, Horton Park Avenue, Bradford (6928840425).jpg
The Bradford Grand Mosque is the largest mosque by capacity in the United Kingdom, and the largest in Yorkshire and the Humber.
Total population
Flag of the United Kingdom.svg United Kingdom: 3,998,875 – 6.0% (2021)
Flag of England.svg England: 3,801,186 – 6.7% (2021) [1]
Flag of Scotland.svg Scotland: 119,872 – 2.2% (2022) [2]
Flag of Wales (1959-present).svg Wales: 66,947 – 2.2% (2021) [1]
Northern Ireland: 10,870 – 0.6% (2021) [3]
Regions with significant populations
Greater London 1,318,754 – 15.0% [4]
West Midlands 569,963 – 9.6%
North West England 563,105 – 7.6%
Yorkshire and the Humber 442,533 – 8.1%
Religions
Majority Sunni Islam with sizeable Shia minorities
Languages
English, Urdu, Arabic, Pahari-Pothwari, Punjabi, Sindhi, Bengali, Gujarati, Turkish, Somali, Persian [5]
Islam in Europe
by percentage of country population
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95-100%
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Azerbaijan
90-95%
Turkey
Kosovo
50-70%
Albania
Bosnia and Herzegovina
Kazakhstan
30-35%
North Macedonia
10-20%
France
Georgia
Montenegro
5-10%
Austria
Bulgaria
Sweden
Belgium
Germany
Liechtenstein
Netherlands
Switzerland
United Kingdom
Denmark
Russia
Luxembourg
4-5%
Serbia
2-4%
Italy
Finland
Norway
Malta
Slovenia
Spain
Greece
Cyprus
1-2%
Croatia
Ireland
Ukraine
Andorra
< 1%
Iceland
Armenia
Belarus
Czech Republic
Estonia
Hungary
Latvia
Lithuania
Moldova
Monaco
Poland
Portugal
Romania
San Marino
Slovakia Islam in Europe in 2025.svg
Islam in Europe
by percentage of country population
  95–100%
  90–95%
  50–70%
  30–35%
  10–20%
  5–10%
  4–5%
  2–4%
  1–2%
  < 1%

Islam is the second-largest religion in the United Kingdom, with results from the 2021 Census recording just under four million Muslims, or 6.0% of the total population in the United Kingdom. [7] [8] London has the largest population and greatest proportion (15%) of Muslims in the country. [9] [10] [11] The vast majority of British Muslims in the United Kingdom adhere to Sunni Islam, [12] while smaller numbers are associated with Shia Islam.

Contents

During the Middle Ages, there was limited cultural exchange between Christendom and the Islamic world. [13] There was no established Muslim presence in the British Isles, though a small number of Crusaders are recorded as having converted in the East, including Robert of St Albans. During the Elizabethan era, contacts became more explicit as the Tudors pursued diplomatic and commercial relations with Muslim powers, including the Ottoman Empire, in part to counter Catholic Habsburg Spain.

As the British Empire expanded, especially the British Raj - Britain came to rule territories with large Muslim populations; some Muslim seamen (lascars) are known to have settled in Britain from the mid-18th century onwards. In the 19th century, Victorian Orientalism contributed to growing interest in Islam and a number of Britons, including members of the aristocracy, converted. Marmaduke Pickthall, an English writer and convert to Islam, produced the first complete English-language translation of the Qur'an by a British Muslim in 1930. Under the British Indian Army, large numbers of Muslims fought for the United Kingdom during the First and Second World Wars, with some receiving the Victoria Cross. In the decades after the Second World War—particularly following the partition of India in 1947 - many Muslims from what is now India, Pakistan and Bangladesh settled permanently in Britain.

Today, British Muslims are ethnically diverse. South Asians form the largest share of Muslims in Britain, [14] [15] alongside significant Turkish, Arab and Somali communities, as well as an estimated 100,000 British converts from a range of backgrounds. [16] Muslims have the youngest average age profile among the major religious groups in the United Kingdom. [17] The Muslim population has grown significantly in recent decades, at a rate several times faster than the population overall. [18] Recent broad estimates suggest around 5,000–6,000 people convert to Islam each year, with women forming the majority in survey-based studies. [19]

History

Early history

A mancus/gold dinar of king Offa, copied from the dinars of the Abbasid Caliphate (774). It includes the Arabic text "Muhammad is the Apostle of Allah", a line from the Shahada. Offa king of Mercia 757 793 gold dinar copy of dinar of the Abassid Caliphate 774.jpg
A mancus/gold dinar of king Offa, copied from the dinars of the Abbasid Caliphate (774). It includes the Arabic text "Muhammad is the Apostle of Allah", a line from the Shahada.

The earliest evidence of Islamic influence in England dates to the 8th century, when Offa, the Anglo-Saxon king of Mercia, minted a coin with an Arabic inscription, largely a copy of coins issued by a contemporary Abbasid ruler, Caliph Al-Mansur. [20] In the 16th century, Muslims from North Africa, the Middle East and Central Asia were present in London, working in a range of roles, from diplomats and translators to merchants and musicians. [21]

In 1627, the Salé Rovers, from the Republic of Salé (in modern-day Morocco) occupied the English island of Lundy for five years. These Barbary pirates, under the command of the Dutch Muslim Jan Janszoon, flew an Ottoman flag over the island. Slaving raids were made embarking from Lundy by the Barbary pirates, and captured Europeans were held on Lundy before being sent to Algiers to be sold as slaves. [22] [23] [24] [25] [26]

Interactions under British Empire

Bengali Muslim diplomat I'tisam-ud-Din was the first educated South Asian to have travelled to the United Kingdom in 1765. I'tisam-ud-Din.png
Bengali Muslim diplomat I'tisam-ud-Din was the first educated South Asian to have travelled to the United Kingdom in 1765.
Punjabi Muslims of the 33rd Punjabis, British Indian Army 33rd Punjabis (15 Punjab) (PMs) 1910.jpg
Punjabi Muslims of the 33rd Punjabis, British Indian Army

Bengal was annexed by the East India Company from the quasi-independent Nawabs of Bengal following the Battle of Plassey in 1757. The manufactured goods produced in Bengal directly contributed to the Industrial Revolution in Britain, [27] [28] [29] [30] with the textiles produced in Bengal being used to support British industries such as textile manufacturing, aided by the invention of devices such as the spinning jenny. [27] [28] [29] With the establishment of Crown control in India after 1857, the British Empire came to rule over a large Muslim population. [31] [32] [33] The first educated South Asian to travel to Europe and live in Britain was I'tisam-ud-Din, a Bengali Muslim cleric, munshi and diplomat to the Mughal Empire who arrived in 1765 with his servant Muhammad Muqim during the reign of King George III. [34] He wrote of his experiences and travels in his Persian book, Shigurf-nama-i-Wilayat (or 'Wonder Book of Europe'). [35]

In South Asia, specifically, the British ruled over one of the largest Muslim populations in the world.[ citation needed ] Upon coming into contact with such a population, the British authorities forged a uniquely Muslim identity for the local believers. This was, in part, due to the way British historians periodised South Asian history into an "ancient" Hindu one and a "medieval" Muslim one. Under the system, the colonial period was classified as "modern". [36] Debate rages on concerning the utility and legitimacy of these labels themselves. Problems with these labels range from the connotations coupled with the word 'medieval' to the implications related to labelling the colonial era as "modern". The term medieval itself is quite controversial. Historians writing in journals relating to the time period have asked whether the term is a "tyrannous construct" or an "alien conceptual hegemony". [36] This is because the label was originally developed during the study of European history to mark the period in between the fall of the Roman Empire and the fall of Constantinople.[ citation needed ]

Such classifications done by British historians throughout their long period of rule paved the way for a more cohesive Muslim identity. In the eighteenth century, this seemed unlikely. Muslims who hailed from Afghan, Turk, Persian, or Arab roots did not find their Muslim identities especially salient. Mughal courts divided not into Hindu or Muslim factions but Persian and Turkish ones. Converts to the religion outside of courtly life, the majority of the Muslim population in the Subcontinent, too were more focused on their regional and lingual cultural identities-whether that be Bengali, Punjabi, Sindhi, or Gujarati. [37]

The first group of Muslims to come to Great Britain in significant numbers, in the 18th century, were lascars (sailors) recruited from the Indian subcontinent, largely from the Bengal region, to work for the East India Company on British ships, some of whom settled down and took local wives. [38] Due to the majority being lascars, the earliest Muslim communities were found in port towns. Naval cooks also came, many of them from the Sylhet district of British Bengal (now in Bangladesh). One of the most famous early Asian immigrants to England was the Bengali Muslim entrepreneur Sake Dean Mahomet, a captain of the East India Company who in 1810 founded London's first Indian restaurant, the Hindoostanee Coffee House. [39]

Between 1803 and 1813, there were more than 10,000 lascars from the Indian subcontinent visiting British port cities and towns. [40] By 1842, 3,000 lascars visited the UK annually, and by 1855, 12,000 lascars were arriving annually in British ports. In 1873, 3,271 lascars arrived in Britain. [41] Throughout the early 19th century lascars visited Britain at a rate of 1,000 every year, [40] which increased to a rate of 10,000 to 12,000 every year throughout the late 19th century. [42] [43] A prominent English convert of the 19th century was Henry Stanley, 3rd Baron Stanley of Alderley, who became a Muslim in 1862. Although not a convert himself, the Victorian Age adventurer, Sir Richard Francis Burton visited Mecca in disguise, documented in The Book of the Thousand Nights and a Night . At the beginning of World War I, there were 51,616 South Asian lascars working on British ships, the majority of whom were of Bengali descent. [44] In 1932, the Indian National Congress survey of 'all Indians outside India' (which included modern Pakistani and Bangladeshi territories) estimated that there were 7,128 Indians living in the United Kingdom.

By 1911, the British Empire had a Muslim population of 94 million, larger than the empire's 58 million Christian population. [33] By the 1920s, the British Empire included roughly half of the world's Muslim population. [32] More than 400,000 Muslim soldiers of the British Indian Army fought for Britain during World War I, where 62,060 were killed in action. [45] Muslim soldiers of the British Indian Army later fought for Britain against the Nazis in World War II, [46] where Muslim soldiers accounted for up to 40% [47] of the 2.5 million troops serving the British Indian Army. [48] David Lloyd George, British Prime Minister from 1916 to 1922, stated: "we are the greatest Mahomedan power in the world and one-fourth of the population of the British Empire is Mahomedan. There have been no more loyal adherents to the throne and no more effective and loyal supporters of the Empire in its hour of trial." This statement was later reiterated by Gandhi in 1920. [31] Winston Churchill also stated in 1942: "We must not on any account break with the Moslems, who represent a hundred million people, and the main army elements on which we must rely for the immediate fighting." [47]

Marmaduke Pickthall authored an English language translation of the Qur'an in 1930. Marmaduke Pickthall Portrait.jpg
Marmaduke Pickthall authored an English language translation of the Qur'an in 1930.

The Shah Jahan Mosque in Woking was the first purpose-built mosque in Britain, and was built in 1889. In the same year, Abdullah Quilliam installed a mosque in a terrace in Liverpool, which became the Liverpool Muslim Institute. [49] [50] The first mosque in London was the Fazl Mosque, established in 1924, commonly called the London mosque.

Quran translators Yusuf Ali and Marmaduke Pickthall, who authored The Meaning of the Glorious Koran: An Explanatory Translation in 1930, were both trustees of the Shah Jahan Mosque in Woking and the East London Mosque. [51] [52]

Other aristocratic British converts included Sir Archibald Hamilton, 5th Baronet, Rowland Allanson-Winn, 5th Baron Headley, St John Philby and Zainab Cobbold (the first Muslim woman born in Britain to perform the pilgrimage to Mecca).

Immigration and post-World War II

Muslims during an Eid al-Fitr feast at the East London Mosque in 1941 Muslims in Britain- Eid Ul Fitr Celebrations, 1941 D5142.jpg
Muslims during an Eid al-Fitr feast at the East London Mosque in 1941

Large-scale immigration of Muslims to Britain began after World War II, as a result of the destruction and labour shortages caused by the war. [53] [54] Muslim migrants from former British colonies, predominantly India, Pakistan, and Bangladesh, [53] were recruited in large numbers by government and businesses to rebuild the country. [55] Large numbers of doctors recruited from India and Pakistan also played a role in the establishment of the National Health Service (NHS). [56]

British Asians (both Muslim and non-Muslim) faced increased discrimination following Powell's "Rivers of Blood" speech and the establishment of the National Front (NF) in the late 1960s. This included overt racism in the form of "Paki bashing", predominantly from white power skinheads, the National Front, and the British National Party (BNP), throughout the 1970s and 1980s. [57] Drawing inspiration from the civil rights movement, the black power movement, and the anti-apartheid movement, young British Pakistani and British Bangladeshi activists began a number of anti-racist Asian youth movements in the 1970s and 1980s, including the Bradford Youth Movement in 1977, the Bangladeshi Youth Movement following the murder of Altab Ali in 1978, and the Newham Youth Movement following the murder of Akhtar Ali Baig in 1980. [58]

The majority of mosques founded after World War II in Britain are reflective of the major strands of Sunni Islam predominating in the Indian subcontinent; namely Deobandi and Barelvi (the latter of which is more Sufi-orientated). There are also a smaller number of Salafi-oriented mosques, inspired by Abul A'la Maududi and Jamaat-e-Islami , are representative of the Arab mainstream or are associated with the UK Turkish Islamic Trust. In addition to this there are Twelver Shīʿa Mosques. The Murabitun World Movement founded by Abdalqadir as-Sufi (born Ian Dallas) in 1968 is a branch of the Sufi Darqawi-Shadhili-Qadiri tariqa which was run out of Achnagairn in the Scottish Highlands.

Martin Lings, an English Muslim scholar, published a biography of Muhammad in 1983 entitled Muhammad: His Life Based on the Earliest Sources . The publication of Salman Rushdie's novel The Satanic Verses in 1988 caused major controversy. A number of Muslims in Britain condemned the book for blasphemy. On 2 December 1988, the book was publicly burned at a demonstration in Bolton attended by 7,000 Muslims, followed by a similar demonstration and book-burning in Bradford on 14 January 1989. [59]

Recently, several wars in the Balkans, Middle East and North Africa have led to many Muslims migrating to the United Kingdom. In 1992, with the outbreak of the Bosnian War, a large number of Bosniaks who fled the ethnic cleansing and genocide ended up settling in Britain. Their numbers currently exist at between 10,000 and 15,000 including their descendants. [60] Just over three years later, an insurgency in Kosovo beginning in 1995, eventually evolving into the Kosovo War in 1998, would see 29,000 Kosovo Albanians flee their homes and settle in Britain. It is commonly believed that many Albanians from Albania moved to the United Kingdom at this time, posing as refugees from Kosovo, in search of a better life in the UK. [61]

A mere decade later, the Arab Spring (and later Arab Winter) brought a wave of Muslim refugees fleeing civil war in Syria, war in Iraq, two wars in Libya, war in Yemen and countless other insurgencies by political groups and other terrorist organisations which exerted control over vast swathes of territory in the Middle East. [62] Britain took on 20,000 refugees from Syria [63] and 11,647 from Iraq. [64]

The growing number of Muslims resulted in the establishment of more than 1,500 mosques by 2007. [65]

Demographics

Muslim Population of the United Kingdom
YearPop.±%
2001 1,591,126    
2011 2,786,635+75.1%
2021 3,998,875+43.5%
Religious Affiliation was not recorded in the census prior to 2001.
Distribution of British Muslims by local authority, 2021 census Muslims in the United Kingdom, 2021 UK census.png
Distribution of British Muslims by local authority, 2021 census
Muslims in the United Kingdom by region and country
Region / Country 2021 [69] 2011 [74] 2001 [79]
Number%Number%Number%
Flag of England.svg England 3,801,1866.7%2,660,1165.0%1,524,8873.1%
Greater London 1,318,75415.0%1,012,82312.4%607,0838.5%
West Midlands 569,9639.6%376,1526.7%216,1844.1%
North West 563,1057.6%356,4585.1%204,2613.0%
Yorkshire and the Humber 442,5338.1%326,0506.2%189,0893.8%
South East 309,0673.3%201,6512.3%108,7251.4%
East 234,7443.3%148,3412.5%78,9311.5%
East Midlands 210,7664.3%140,6493.1%70,2241.7%
South West 80,1521.4%51,2281.0%23,4650.5%
North East 72,1022.7%46,7641.8%26,9251.1%
Flag of Scotland.svg Scotland 119,872 [b] 2.2%76,7371.4%42,5570.8%
Flag of Wales (1959-present).svg Wales 66,9472.2%45,9501.5%21,7390.7%
Northern Ireland 10,8700.6%3,8320.2%1,9430.1%
Flag of the United Kingdom.svg United Kingdom 3,998,8756.0%2,786,6354.4%1,591,1262.7%
Muslim population of England and Wales
YearPop.±%
1961 50,000 [80]     
1971 226,000 [80] +352.0%
1981 553,000 [80] +144.7%
1991 950,000 [80] +71.8%
2001 1,600,000 [80] +68.4%
2011 2,706,066 [17] +69.1%
2021 3,868,133 [81] +42.9%
Muslim population pyramid in 2021 in England and Wales Muslim population pyramid in 2021 in England and Wales.svg
Muslim population pyramid in 2021 in England and Wales
Ethnic composition of British Muslims, 2021 census British Muslims by Ethnic Group.png
Ethnic composition of British Muslims, 2021 census
Year of arrival (2021 census, England and Wales) [83]
  1. Born in the UK (51.0%)
  2. Before 1971 (2.20%)
  3. 1971 to 1980 (3.20%)
  4. 1981 to 1990 (4.00%)
  5. 1991 to 2000 (7.40%)
  6. 2001 to 2010 (13.3%)
  7. 2011 to 2021 (18.9%)

Branches

British Muslims follow a range of Islamic denominations and movements. A Techne UK survey commissioned by the Institute for the Impact of Faith in Life (IIFL) found that the majority identify with Sunni Islam. A large proportion within that grouping identify with non-denominational branches, and smaller proportions identifying with Deobandi, Barelvi and Salafi currents. This translates to 83.8% that identify with broader Sunni Islam.

The survey also recorded a minority identifying with Shi'a denominations and a small proportion identifying with other sects or preferring not to state a denomination. [149]

Denominational self-identification among British Muslims (IIFL/Techne UK), 2024 [149]
Non-denominational Sunni
48.1%
Other Sunni
16.8%
Shia
7.5%
Deobandi
6.9%
Salafi
6.6%
Barelvi
5.4%
Other denomination/sect (non-Sunni, non-Shia)
2.2%
Preferred not to say
6.3%

Mosque affiliation

A directory-based statistical summary by MuslimsInBritain.org (UK Mosque Statistics / Masjid Statistics, as at 16 September 2017) analysed 1,934 active masjids and prayer rooms in the United Kingdom and categorised each site by its dominant “theme” or affiliation (noting that many congregations are doctrinally diverse and that classification can be approximate). [150]

In that summary, the largest shares of masjids/prayer facilities were associated with Deobandi networks (41.2%) and Barelvi networks (23.7%), followed by Salafi congregations (9.4%). Non-denominational prayer rooms and similar facilities accounted for 7.4%. Shi'a facilities comprised several categories - Twelver and other Shi'a (3.1%), Ismaili (2.3%) and Bohra (0.5%), totalling 5.9%, while smaller categories included “other Sufi” (4.1%), Arabic or African mainstream Sunni (3.1%) and Maudoodi-inspired “Islamic Movement” (2.6%). [150]

Sunni

Sunni Islam is the largest branch of Islam in the United Kingdom. According to the survey commissioned by the Institute for the Impact of Faith in Life (IIFL), around 83.8% identified with Sunni Islam (including those who described themselves as non-denominational Sunni). [149]

Most UK mosques are Sunni. A directory-based analysis by MuslimsInBritain.org categorised masjids and prayer rooms by their dominant “theme” or affiliation and reported that the largest shares were associated with Deobandi networks (41.2%), Barelvi networks (23.7%) and Salafi congregations (9.4%), alongside smaller Sunni categories. [150]

Shia

A group of Shia Muslims perform a mourning ritual (matam) on Westminster Bridge during a procession in commemoration of the martyrdom of Imam Musa Kazim. Imam Kazim Procession Westminster Bridge Jan 2025 Simon King.jpg
A group of Shia Muslims perform a mourning ritual (matam) on Westminster Bridge during a procession in commemoration of the martyrdom of Imam Musa Kazim.

Shi'a Islam forms a minority of British Muslims. In 2015, The Economist described Britain as having “400,000-odd” Shi'a Muslims. [151] More recent survey evidence suggests a similar minority share, the IIFL survey found that 7.5% identified with Shi'a Islam. [149] In the same survey, 2.4% identified as Twelver and 2.6% as Ismaili (shares of all British Muslim respondents). [149]

Shi'a communities and institutions are most visible in major urban areas, particularly London, alongside other large cities with established Muslim populations. Prominent Shi'a centres in London include the Husaini Islamic Centre (Hujjat) in Stanmore (Harrow), [152] the Islamic Centre of England in Maida Vale, [153] and the Imam Khoei Islamic Centre in Queens Park (Brent). [154] Other Shi'a mosques include Al Masjid ul Husseini in Northolt (Ealing). [155]

Public commemorations are held annually, most notably during Ashura and Arba'een. In London, an Ashura Day procession has been policed in central areas, with the Metropolitan Police and BBC London News reporting rolling road closures for a procession from Marble Arch to Whitehall/Westminster (July 2024). [156] [157] An annual Arba'een procession has also been organised in London, beginning at Marble Arch. [158] Ashura processions and related mourning rituals have also been documented in other cities, including Birmingham and Manchester. [159] [160]

A directory-based statistical summary by MuslimsInBritain.org categorised masjids and reported that Shi'a facilities comprised 3.1% Twelver/other Shi'a, 2.3% Ismaili and 0.5% Bohra (5.9% in total). [150]

Ahmadiyyat

The Ahmadiyya Muslim Community (AMC) established itself in the UK in 1912 and is thus the longest-standing Muslim community in the UK. The UK and worldwide headquarters of the AMC are currently situated on the grounds of 'The Blessed Mosque' (Masjid Mubarak), inaugurated on 17 May 2019 by Mirza Masroor Ahmad, the fifth caliph of the Ahmadiyya movement, [161] in Tilford, Surrey. The AMC also has the largest Muslim youth organisation, the Ahmadiyya Muslim Youth Association (Majlis Khuddamul Ahmadiyya) in the UK (membership of 7,500) and the largest Muslim women's organisation, the Ahmadiyya Muslim Women's Association (Lajna Ima'illah), in the UK (membership of 10,000). [162]

In 2014, on the 125th anniversary of the Ahmadiyya Muslim Community, the group published an advertisement in Luton on Sunday. After Dr. Fiaz Hussain, coordinator of the Preservation of Finality of Prophethood Forum (PFPF), lodged a written complaint stating the Ahmadiyya community should not be called "Muslim" due to its rejection of certain Islamic principles, [163] the paper received a delegation of "Community Leaders" and soon issued an apology, disassociating itself from the advertisement. Tell MAMA responded, labeling attempts to intimidate or discriminate against Ahmadiyya Muslims "as anti-Muslim in nature." [164]

Society

Economics

British Muslims participate across the UK economy as employees, public-sector workers, professionals, entrepreneurs, consumers, donors and volunteers. Measuring “religion” in economic datasets is often difficult because many administrative and labour-market sources do not routinely record it; as a result, much of the most comparable evidence comes from Census outputs, regulators’ equality monitoring releases, and research studies. [165] [166]

A 2013 report published by the Muslim Council of Britain highlighted the scale of British Muslims’ economic contribution to the United Kingdom. It reported that the UK was home to approximately 2.78 million Muslims, with an estimated £31 billion annual contribution to the national economy. In London, there were around 13,400 Muslim-owned businesses, accounting for just over 33.6% of small and medium-sized enterprises in the capital and supporting more than 70,000 jobs. The study also estimated the presence of around 10,000 Muslim millionaires in the UK, with £3.6 billion in liquid assets among the richest individuals, and placed British Muslim consumer spending power at approximately £20.5 billion. [167] [168]

A 2024 report by Equi estimated that British Muslims generate at least £70 billion per year for the UK economy, attributing this to workforce income (around £42 billion), Muslim-owned business output (around £24.7 billion), and charitable giving plus the estimated value of volunteer time (around £2.4 billion combined). [169]

Economic activity and employment

ONS analysis of Census 2021 data for England and Wales reported lower employment and higher economic inactivity among people identifying as Muslim (ages 16–64) than the overall population. The same analysis linked these patterns to the group’s younger age structure, with higher shares in full-time education and higher reported inactivity because of looking after home or family, particularly among women. [165] [166]

Economic activity indicators (England and Wales, ages 16–64; Census 2021) [166] [165]
IndicatorMuslimOverall population
In employment51.4%70.9%
Economically inactive (total)41.9%24.7%
Unemployed6.7%4.4%
Economically inactive: looking after home or family16.1%5.8%
Economically inactive: student13.8%7.3%
Looking after home or family (female)27.3%7.8%

Alongside these structural factors, parliamentary and academic research has described a “Muslim penalty” in employment outcomes in the UK, including evidence of discrimination affecting recruitment and progression and of occupational mismatch (including over-qualification) for some groups; constrained access to stable employment has also been discussed as one driver (among others) of higher self-employment in parts of the population. [170] [171] [172]

Occupational structure and professional work

Among UK-born Muslims in England and Wales who were in employment at the time of Census 2021, younger cohorts were more likely than their White British counterparts to be working in the three highest occupational groups (managers, directors and senior officials; professional occupations; and associate professional and technical occupations). The combined share in these categories was 53.7% for UK-born Muslims aged 25–34, compared with 50.5% for UK-born White British of the same age band. This difference was most pronounced among women: 56.4% of UK-born Muslim women aged 25–34 in employment were in these higher-skilled occupations, compared with 52.4% of White British women, while the corresponding figures for men were 51.4% and 48.6% respectively. [173] [174]

In the 35–49 age group, the combined share in these three occupational categories was similar between UK-born Muslims (about 52%) and White British (about 54%), with near parity among women and a modestly lower share among Muslim men than White British men. [174]

UK-born Muslims in higher-skilled occupations (England and Wales; employed residents only; Census 2021) [175]
Age groupManagers, directors and senior officialsProfessional occupationsAssociate professional and technicalTotal (three groups)
25–348.4%30.3%15.0%53.7%
35–4913.5%25.5%12.9%51.9%

Where religion is recorded through equality monitoring, published data also show comparatively high Muslim representation in several regulated professions, particularly in parts of healthcare and pharmacy (coverage varies by regulator and declaration rates). [165]

Representation in occupations (selected professional registers and workforce datasets)
Occupation% of total workforce
Optometrists21% [176]
Licensed Doctors18.8% [177] [178]
Pharmacists18.6% [179]
Orthoptists15.0% [180]
Dentists13.4% [181]
Biomedical Scientists10.0% [182]
Radiographers9.0% [183]
NHS7.1%–10% [184]
Lawyers8% [185]
Neurosurgeon Consultant8.0% [186]
Prosthetists / Orthotists6.0% [187]
Civil Service5% [188]
Midwives2.9% [189]
Police Officers2.5% [190]
Nurses2.4% [189]
Armed Forces0.6% [191]

Ethnicity and inference

Because religion is not consistently recorded outside the census and some EDI sources, some analysis uses ethnicity as a partial proxy in contexts where particular ethnic groups are predominantly Muslim. ONS multivariate tables for England and Wales (Census 2021) show that the Muslim population is ethnically diverse, with large shares recorded in Pakistani, Bangladeshi and Black African groups, alongside Arab, “White other” and other ethnic categories. [192] Research overviews of British Muslim communities also describe major populations with family origins in Pakistan, Bangladesh and Somalia, alongside Turkish-heritage communities and others. [193]

Education

Around 32.3% of Muslims in the UK held degree-level qualifications, according to the 2021 UK Census. This is higher than White British (31%) and Christians (31.6%). [194] [195] In contrast, a higher proportion of Muslims in the UK held no qualifications (25%), in comparison with White British (18.3%) and Christians (20.8%). [196] [197]

Higher education administrative statistics show that the proportion of UK higher education students reporting a Muslim religious belief has increased in recent years (rising from around 10% in 2019/20 to around 14% by 2023/24). [198] Longitudinal cohort research in found that around 53% of British Muslim young people were in higher education by age 19, compared with 38% of White students, with a further small share having applied but not yet enrolled. [199] A separate analysis of the same cohort reported that about 51% of Muslim young people had applied to university by age 18 and roughly 42% were studying for a degree by age 20, with participation rates higher among Muslim women than Muslim men. [200]

Based on official England GCSE (KS4) statistics, we can construct a clear ethnicity-based proxy for a large share of Muslim pupils by combining results for Pakistani and Bangladeshi students, who together make up a substantial portion of the Muslim school-age population. [201] When their outcomes are averaged on a pupil-weighted basis, this proxy group outperforms White British pupils across the main attainment measures — including overall progress through secondary school, total GCSE points scored, and the likelihood of achieving strong passes in English and maths. [202] [203] [204] The same datasets also show a consistent gender pattern within these cohorts, where girls achieve higher results than boys, supporting the broader observation that Muslim female pupils tend to outperform Muslim males at GCSE level. [205]

Media reporting on England’s secondary school performance tables noted that four Islamic faith schools were ranked among the national top ten for Progress 8 scores, with Tauheedul Islam Girls’ High School ranked first nationally on that measure. [206]

There are about 184 Muslim faith schools in the UK in total, of which around 30 are state-funded and about 150 are independent (private) schools. [207] Separately, media reporting based on a Sunday Times analysis has highlighted that some non-Muslim state schools—particularly Church of England and Roman Catholic schools in areas with large Muslim catchments—have intakes in which Muslim pupils outnumber Christian pupils, illustrating how local demographics can produce very high Muslim enrolment even where a school is not formally designated as Islamic. [208]

Politics

Pola Uddin, Baroness Uddin was the first Muslim woman to sit in the Parliament of the United Kingdom. Baroness Uddin.png
Pola Uddin, Baroness Uddin was the first Muslim woman to sit in the Parliament of the United Kingdom.

Muslims are playing an increasingly prominent role in political life. [209] Nineteen Muslim MPs were elected in the December 2019 general election, [210] and there are nineteen Muslim peers in the House of Lords.[ citation needed ]

The majority of British Muslims vote for the Labour Party, [211] however there are some high-profile Conservative Muslims, including former Minister for Faith and Communities and former Co-chairman and the Conservative Party Sayeeda Warsi, [212] described by The Guardian as a 'rising star' in the Tory party. [213] Warsi, who was the first Muslim to serve in a British cabinet, was appointed by David Cameron in 2010 as a minister without portfolio. She was made a senior minister of state in 2012. In August 2014 she resigned over the government's approach to the 2014 Israel-Gaza conflict. [214]

Muslim political parties in Britain have included the People's Justice Party (UK), a Pakistani and Kashmiri party that won city council seats in Manchester in the 2000s, [215] and the unsuccessful Islamic Party of Britain, an Islamist party in Bradford in the 1990s. [216] In 2023, the Electoral Commission rejected an application to set up a new political party named 'Party of Islam'. [217]

In the 2017 general election, 15 Muslim MPs (12 Labour and 3 Conservative) were elected, up from 13 Muslim MPs in 2015 general election. [218] In the 2019 general election, a record number of 19 Muslim MPs were elected (15 Labour and 4 Conservative). [219] [220]

Survey data analysed by UK in a Changing Europe showed that Labour (72 per cent) led Conservatives (11 per cent) by 61 points amongst Muslim voters in 2019. Further analysis showed that many minorities were "necessity liberals" who voted for Labour not because they were social liberals, but because Labour represented a broader political package and distrusted the Conservatives on identity matters. British Pakistani and British Bangladeshi voters in particular, by a margin of 20–30 points, believed that LGBT rights had gone too far. [221]

At the 2024 general election, 24 Muslim MPs were elected including a record four independent pro-Palestinian MPs. All of the elected independent MPs were endorsed by The Muslim Vote, a pressure group set up in December 2023 in response to the Gaza war. Polling by Savanta found that 44 per cent of Muslim voters ranked the matter among their top five issues compared to 12 per cent of non-Muslims. [222]

Muslim MPs by election 1997–2024
ElectionLabourConservativeScottish National PartyOtherTotal% of Parliament
1997 [223] 100010.15
2001 [224] 200020.31
2005 [225] 400040.62
2010 [226] 620081.23
2015 [227] 9310132.00
2017 [218] 12300152.31
2019 [228] 14500192.92
2024 [229] 18204243.69

Law

Public demonstration in the United Kingdom for sharia, October 2009 A public demonstration demanding Sharia in Britain.jpg
Public demonstration in the United Kingdom for sharia, October 2009

The first sharia court, also known as sharia councils, began operating in the United Kingdom in 1982, and the number in operation has grown to 85 by 2024. A The Times investigation has found that there are a growing number of Muslims from across Europe and North America seeking the services of British sharia courts, with the UK now dubbed as the 'western capital' for sharia courts. [230] [231]

Although sharia is not part of the British legal system, several British establishment figures have supported its use in areas of dispute resolution in Islamic communities. For example, in February 2008 Rowan Williams the Archbishop of Canterbury (the head of the Church of England) lectured at the Royal Courts of Justice on Islam and English law. In this lecture he spoke of the possibility of using sharia in some circumstances:

[...] it might be possible to think in terms of [...] a scheme in which individuals retain the liberty to choose the jurisdiction under which they will seek to resolve certain carefully specified matters, so that 'power-holders are forced to compete for the loyalty of their shared constituents'.

Rowan Williams, 2008 [232]

Several months later, Lord Phillips, then Lord Chief Justice of England and Wales supported the idea that sharia could be reasonably employed as a basis for "mediation or other forms of alternative dispute resolution", and explained that "It is not very radical to advocate embracing sharia law in the context of family disputes, for example, and our system already goes a long way towards accommodating the archbishop's suggestion." [233]

In March 2014, The Law Society issued guidance on how to draft sharia-compliant wills for the network of sharia courts which been established to deal with disputes between Muslim families. [234] The guidance was withdrawn later in 2014 following criticism by solicitors and by Chris Grayling, the Justice Secretary. [235]

In its 2017 manifesto, UKIP pledged to abolish the existence of sharia courts in the UK. [236]

In 2016–2018 an independent panel commissioned by the UK government investigated the practices of sharia councils operating in England and Wales. The councils have no legal status and no legal jurisdiction in the UK. Estimates for their number range between 30 and 85. The investigation found that most people consulting the councils are women seeking an Islamic divorce. The review concluded that "there is unanimous agreement among the sharia councils themselves that discriminatory practices do occur in some instances within the councils in England and Wales" and made legislative and administrative recommendations to remedy the abuses. The panel was not aware of any sharia councils operating in Scotland. [237]

According to Kaveri Qureshi, while women educate themselves and follow Islamic norms and values referring to colonial era Islamic advice literature about marriage not for continuation but to end their marriages and for justification of remarriages contrary to original intention of authors of the literature. [238]

Media and culture

There are several Islamic television channels operating in the UK, including British Muslim TV, Muslim Television Ahmadiyya International (MTA International), [239] [240] Ummah Channel, [241] Ahlebait TV, and Fadak.

British Muslims are represented in various media positions across different organisations. Notable examples include Mehdi Hasan, the political editor of the UK version of The Huffington Post [242] and the presenter of Al Jazeera English shows The Café and Head to Head, [243] Mishal Husain, a British news presenter for the BBC, currently appearing on BBC World News and BBC Weekend News, Rageh Omaar, special correspondent with ITV and formerly Senior Foreign Correspondent with the BBC and a reporter/presenter for Al Jazeera English, [244] and Faisal Islam, economics editor and correspondent for Channel 4 News . [245]

In 2013, there were 40 Muslim players in the English Premier League, up from one in 1992. Man of the Match awardees were awarded bottles of champagne, which is forbidden in Islam, and after Muslim player Yaya Toure refused the award, champagne was phased out for small trophies instead. Children playing football have been seen falling to their knees as if in prayer after scoring a goal, a common practice of Muslim footballers. [246]

Associations

Proselytisation

An estimated 5,200 Britons convert to Islam each year, with around 100,000 converts reported by 2013. For men, prisons have been a notable setting for conversions. Approximately 18% of the British prison population, or over 14,000 prisoners, are Muslims, disproportionately higher than the general population. [249] The proportion of Muslims in the UK prison population rose from 8% in 2002 to 15% in 2016. [250] According to the UK prison officers' union in 2013, some Muslim prisoners in the UK had allegedly forcibly converted fellow inmates to Islam in prisons. [251] There have been multiple cases of non-Muslim prisoners threatened with violence [252] with "convert or get hurt" being a commonly used phrase by Muslim gangs according to an independent report published by the government. [253] A 2010 report by the Chief Inspector of Prisons stated that 30% of the Muslim prisoners interviewed had converted to Islam while in prison, some of whom were "convenience Muslims" who adopted the religion in order to get benefits available only to Muslims. [254] Other reasons why inmates may convert include wanting protection in wings where Muslim gangs are prevalent, the ability to go to chapel, and access to different foods. Around one in five Muslim prisoners in the UK are now white. [255]

Mosques in the country are sometimes seen as ethnic clubs which are not welcoming of new converts but there have also been recent convert-led mosques. [256] A study in 2023 found that amongst some schools, there were tensions between Hindu and Muslim pupils. Hindu students were labelled as "kaffirs" and threatened to either convert or face "hell for disbelievers". [257]

Extremist ideology

In June 2017, Jeremy Corbyn, leader of the Labour Party, said that difficult conversations are needed, starting with Saudi Arabia and other Gulf states that have funded and fuelled extremist ideology, and has also urged an immediate halt to UK arms exports to Saudi Arabia. [258] [259] [260] Tom Brake, Liberal Democrat foreign affairs spokesman, has said that Saudi Arabia provides funding to hundreds of mosques in the UK, espousing a very hardline Wahhabist interpretation of Islam. [261] In July 2017, a report by the Henry Jackson Society, a neo-conservative [262] [263] think tank, claimed that Middle Eastern nations are financially supporting mosques and educational institutions linked to spreading extremist material with "an illiberal, bigoted Wahhabi ideology". [259] [264] The report said that the number of Salafi and Wahhabi mosques in Britain had increased from 68 in 2007 to 110 in 2014. [265]

In 2017, Gilles de Kerchove reported that the UK had the highest number of Islamist radicals in the EU, with estimates ranging between 20,000 and 25,000. Of these, 3,000 were considered a direct threat by MI5, and 500 were under constant surveillance. [266] Among those identified by security services but not seen as an immediate threat were the perpetrators of three ISIS-linked attacks in 2017, which resulted in 35 deaths. [266] [267] Between 2011 and 2014, more British Muslims traveled to Syria to join ISIS and Al-Nusra Front than enlisted in the British Armed Forces, [268] with around 1,500 joining these groups compared to 220 who enlisted in the military. [269] [267] [266]

Political scientists Olivier Roy and Gilles Kepel offer differing perspectives on the roots of radical Islamist terrorism. Roy argues that many individuals are drawn to fundamentalist Islam only after becoming radicalized, [270] while Kepel suggests that certain ideologies, like Salafism, may lead individuals to violence. Roy also noted that restrictive policies like France's burkini ban might provoke religious violence, [271] but Kepel countered that the UK has experienced jihadist attacks despite having no such policies. [271]

A 2020 report indicated that British Muslims share similar concerns with the general population regarding Muslim extremism, with 63% expressing some level of worry. British Muslims were also slightly more likely (66%) than others (63%) to report individuals to the Prevent programme if concerned about radicalization, and 80% supported Prevent once they understood its goals. [272] [273] Additionally, as of 2023, Muslim extremism represents a significant portion of MI5's caseload and related arrests, with nine-tenths of the individuals on its watchlist linked to this type of extremism. [274] [273] [272]

In March 2024, Communities Secretary Michael Gove announced that five organisations would be assessed against the government's new definition of extremism. Three of these organisations, named as Cage, Muslim Association of Britain, and Muslim Engagement and Development, were of concern due to their Islamist orientation and views. [275] The latter two groups threatened to sue after the announcement. [276]

Antisemitism

British Muslim journalist Mehdi Hasan has argued that “anti-Semitism isn’t just tolerated in some sections of the British Muslim community; it’s routine and commonplace”. [277] Quantitative research has reported higher prevalence of some antisemitic attitudes among British Muslims than among the general public. The Institute for Jewish Policy Research (JPR), drawing on a 2016 nationally representative survey of 5,446 adults, reported that a higher share of Muslim respondents endorsed at least one antisemitic attitude than the population average, and found associations between higher levels of religiosity and endorsement of some antisemitic stereotypes. [278] Other polling has suggested more mixed attitudes: a 2020 survey commissioned by Hope not Hate reported that 45% of British Muslims held a favourable view of British Jews, while 18% held an unfavourable view. [279] [280]

Following the 7 October 2023 Hamas attack and the subsequent Israel–Hamas war, UK public debate intensified around antisemitism, anti-Zionism, and the boundaries between hate speech and political expression about Israel and Palestine. The Community Security Trust (CST) recorded a record annual total of 4,298 antisemitic incidents in 2023 and reported that incident levels remained elevated in 2024 (3,556) and 2025 (3,700), with many incidents referencing Israel/Palestine or the war while also evidencing anti-Jewish motivation or targeting. [281] Over the same period, monitoring organisations reported sharp increases in anti-Muslim hate, which they linked in part to the conflict and related online and offline hostility. [282] [283]

Large pro-Palestinian demonstrations across the UK after October 2023 prompted scrutiny of protest slogans and symbols. In October 2023, Home Secretary Suella Braverman wrote to the Metropolitan Police Commissioner stating that chants such as “from the river to the sea” could, depending on context, be interpreted as expressing a violent desire to eliminate Israel and might amount to a racially aggravated public order offence, while also emphasising that policing decisions must be evidence-led. [284] Civil liberties groups have argued that the phrase is not, by itself, unlawful and that criminality depends on context (e.g., threats, harassment, or incitement), warning that overly broad interpretations risk chilling lawful protest and expression. [285]

Human rights organisations have also criticised what they describe as an expanding use of counter-terrorism and antisemitism frameworks to restrict Palestinian solidarity activism. Amnesty International and the International Federation for Human Rights (FIDH), among others, argued that measures taken in several Western countries—including the UK—risked conflating non-violent political advocacy with extremism, and that accusations of antisemitism were sometimes applied in ways that undermined freedom of expression and assembly; these claims have been disputed by government and some Jewish communal organisations, who argue that robust enforcement is necessary given heightened antisemitic threats. [286] [287]

These debates intensified after the UK government proscribed the direct-action group Palestine Action under the Terrorism Act 2000 in July 2025. In February 2026, the High Court ruled that the proscription decision was unlawful and disproportionate, but left the ban temporarily in place pending further proceedings and a government appeal; civil liberties groups welcomed the ruling, while ministers defended the original proscription as a response to serious criminal damage and intimidation. [288] [289] [290]

In March 2024, the Deputy Prime Minister Oliver Dowden ordered the suspension of the Civil Service Muslim Network (CSMN) pending an investigation into allegations that webinars and related activity included antisemitic tropes and political activism aimed at influencing government policy on Israel/Palestine. [291] In a September 2024 parliamentary answer, the government stated that the CSMN had voluntarily suspended activity earlier in the year and had since resumed with senior sponsors appointed to ensure compliance with relevant guidance on impartiality. [292]

Relations with wider society

Attitudes of British Muslims

Recent survey research indicates that many British Muslims place strong emphasis on religious identity, while levels of belonging and perceived safety have varied across studies and over time. A 2025 study by the Institute for the Impact of Faith in Life (IIFL), based on a national survey of British Muslims, found that a majority of respondents prioritised a Muslim identity over a British identity when asked which described them “first and foremost”, with notable variation by age group; the report linked identity patterns partly to experiences of prejudice and exclusion. [293]

Earlier polling in the mid-2010s reported high levels of national attachment among British Muslims. A 2016 ICM poll found that 86% of British Muslims said they felt a strong sense of belonging to Britain, [294] while a 2016 Policy Exchange survey reported that 93% expressed a strong attachment to Britain. [295] By contrast, a 2026 survey by Muslim Census reported that 51.9% of respondents said they “strongly” felt they belonged in the UK, with a further proportion selecting less emphatic options; 71.9% said they felt safe in their local area, while 11% disagreed. [296] [297] Analysts have noted that differences in question wording, sampling methods and response scales make direct comparison between surveys difficult.

A separate 2024 IIFL survey reported that large majorities of British Muslim respondents viewed Britain as a country offering good opportunities to progress in life and supported greater efforts to improve interfaith relations, alongside high reported levels of charitable giving and community participation. [298]

Polling during the Israel–Hamas war period indicated that the conflict became a highly salient political issue for many British Muslims. A Savanta poll of British Muslim voters reported that the Gaza conflict ranked among the most important election issues for a large share of respondents, and that many said they would consider supporting independent candidates based on positions related to the conflict. [299] [300] A 2024 poll of UK Muslims published by the Henry Jackson Society, based on fieldwork by J.L. Partners, also reported strong pro-Palestinian sympathies among respondents when asked to choose between parties to the conflict, with results varying significantly by age and education level. [301]

Extremism, social attitudes and family norms

Reviews of British survey data have found that only a small minority of Muslims express sympathy for terrorism, and that large majorities report concern about extremism. An Ipsos MORI review of multiple UK surveys reported that across studies only a “tiny percentage” of Muslim respondents showed support or sympathy for terrorist violence; it cited a 2016 study in which 90% of Muslim respondents condemned threatening or committing terrorist actions and 2% expressed sympathy, compared with 84% condemnation and 4% sympathy in a general-population comparison sample. [302] [303] Research for the Commission for Countering Extremism by Crest Advisory (2020) found that most British Muslim respondents said they were worried about Islamist extremism and that majorities expressed conditional or full support for the Prevent programme after a neutral description, with most also saying they would report concerns about radicalisation. [304]

On social and family issues, survey reviews indicate that British Muslims are, on average, more likely than the general population to express socially conservative views on some questions, though attitudes vary by age and gender. The Ipsos MORI review reported that close to half of Muslim men and around one third of Muslim women agreed with the statement that “wives should always obey their husbands”, and noted generational differences with younger Muslims tending to hold more liberal views on several topics than older cohorts. [305] Some more recent polls have also reported sizeable minorities supporting religion-accommodating public policy measures, though results differ depending on methodology and question wording. [306]

Research on domestic violence and abuse in UK Muslim communities has largely been based on qualitative and service-provider studies rather than single-question attitude polling. This literature highlights barriers to reporting and help-seeking, including stigma, family pressure, and the ways religious language may be used both to justify abuse and to support survivors. [307]

Longitudinal survey findings

Large UK longitudinal datasets have also been used to analyse outcomes and experiences among Muslims over time. Studies using the UK Household Longitudinal Study (Understanding Society) have reported evidence of a persistent “Muslim penalty” in unemployment and economic inactivity compared with otherwise similar non-Muslims, even after adjusting for demographic and educational factors. [308] Other analyses using the same dataset have found lower average mental wellbeing among some Muslim-origin groups compared with the non-religious, alongside evidence that more frequent religious attendance is associated with higher wellbeing across groups. [309]

Attitudes towards British Muslims

The British media has been criticised for propagating negative stereotypes of Muslims and fueling Islamophobic prejudice. [310] In 2006, several British cabinet ministers were criticised for helping to "unleash a public anti-Muslim backlash" by blaming the Muslim community over issues of integration despite a study commissioned by the Home Office on white and Asian-Muslim youths demonstrating otherwise: that Asian-Muslim youths "are in fact the most tolerant of all" and that white youths "have far more intolerant attitudes," concluding that the attitudes held by members of the white community was a greater "barrier to integration." [311] [312]

In January 2010, the British Social Attitudes Survey found that the general public "is far more likely to hold negative views of Muslims than of any other religious group," with "just one in four" feeling "positively about Islam," and a "majority of the country would be concerned if a mosque was built in their area, while only 15 per cent expressed similar qualms about the opening of a church." [313] The "scapegoating" of British Muslims by the media and politicians in the 21st century has been compared in the media to the rise of antisemitism in the early 20th century. [314]

A 2013 survey by YouGov indicated that immigrants from Muslim countries were perceived as integrating less well into British society than immigrants from other countries, with 71% of respondents believing migrants from Muslim countries were not integrating well. [315] Another YouGov poll conducted in 2015 found that 55% of the British public believed there was a fundamental clash between Islam and the values of British society. Only 22% believed British values and Islam were generally compatible. [316]

In 2015, in light of a growing number of radicalised British Muslims joining ISIS to fight in Syria, a Survation poll for Sky News found that 70% of non-Muslims in the UK believed that British Muslims were not doing enough to integrate into British society, 44% became more suspicious of Muslims and only 30% believed that the values of British society were compatible with Islam. When British Muslims were asked the same questions, over four in five believed that Islamic values were compatible with British society and 71% believed that British Muslims were doing enough to integrate into British society. [317]

In polling conducted by ComRes in 2016, only 28% of those surveyed believed that Islam was compatible with British values. 72% agreed with the statement that "most people in the UK have a negative view of Islam" and 43% believed that Islam was a negative force in the UK. Younger people were more likely to say they have a better understanding of Islam and hold less negative views. [318] [319]

A survey conducted in 2017 by Chatham House revealed widespread opposition to Muslim immigration across the UK. 47% were opposed to further Muslim immigration meanwhile 23% disagreed with stopping further migration from mainly Muslim countries. This opposition figure was lower than in other European countries, Austria: 65%; Belgium: 64%; France: 61%; Germany: 53%; Italy: 51%, and lower than the European average of 55%. [320]

In 2019, a survey conducted by the Pew Research Center found that 78% of Britons had a favourable view of Muslims, while 18% had an unfavourable view of Muslims. This was the most favourable in Europe. [321]

A 2021 study published by the University of Birmingham found that Muslims are the British public's second ‘least liked’ group, after Gypsy and Irish Travellers with 25.9% of the British public holding negative views towards Muslims and 23.5% holding a positive view. [322] People from middle and upper-class backgrounds were more likely to hold prejudiced views about Islam compared to those from working-class backgrounds. 71% of respondents named Islam as having a more negative impact on society compared to other religions with 18.1% of those surveyed supported banning all Muslim migration to the UK. [323]

In 2025, a study by the Commission for Countering Extremism with polling conducted by Ipsos found that 38 per cent of Britons felt they had to hold back on expressing their views about Islamic topics. This was the highest figure across all religions, and about twice as high as the comparative figure for Christianity. In the study, Muslims surveyed were more likely than the overall population to think that people should be careful not to offend when talking about Islamic topics (71 per cent compared to 31 per cent overall). [324] Islam was also the only religion asked about where more people thought that the religion was protected too much, with 39 per cent believing it was protected "too much" and 18 per cent believing it was protected "too little". [325]

Islamophobia

A survey conducted in 2024 by Opinium for Hope not Hate found that 30 per cent of the British public believed that Islam was a threat to the British way of life and the existence of 'no-go' zones for non-Muslims in European cities. Members of the Conservative party were more likely to hold these views, with 58% believing Islam was a threat and 52% believing in the existence of 'no-go' zones. [326]

There have been cases of threats, [327] one fatal attack, [328] and non-fatal attacks on Muslims and on Muslim targets, including attacks on Muslim graves [329] and mosques. [330] In January 2010, a report from the University of Exeter's European Muslim Research Centre noted that the number of anti-Muslim hate crimes has increased, ranging from "death threats and murder to persistent low-level assaults, such as spitting and name-calling," for which the media and politicians have been blamed with fuelling anti-Muslim hatred. [331] [332] [333] However, Met Police figures showed an 8.5 per cent fall in anti-Muslim crimes between 2009 and 2012, with a spike in 2013 due to the murder of Lee Rigby. [334] In the four months following the 2023 Israel-Gaza conflict, Tell MAMA reported a more than three-fold increase in Islamophobic incidents to 2,010, with Muslim women targeted in two-thirds of incidents. [335]

The emergence of the English Defence League resulted in demonstrations in English cities with large Muslim populations. [336] [337] [338] [339] [340] The EDL was a right wing, anti Islam [337] [338] [336] [341] [342] street protest movement which opposed what it considers to be a spread of Islamism, Sharia law and Islamic extremism in the United Kingdom. [343] [344] [345] [346] The EDL has been described by The Jewish Chronicle as Islamophobic. [347] The group has faced confrontations with various groups, including supporters of Unite Against Fascism (UAF) and Anonymous. [348] [ full citation needed ] [349] [350]

Relations between Muslims and Sikhs

Most British Muslims, particularly those of South Asian descent, share cultural traditions, histories, and ethnic ties with the British Sikh community, as well as with British Hindus. [351] The majority of Sikhs oppose strongly anti-Muslim groups like the BNP and EDL, and the anti-Muslim campaigns of the BNP have been condemned by all leading Sikh organizations. [352] [353] However, it has been reported that some extremists from the Sikh community have aligned themselves with the BNP. [353] It has also been noted that some Sikhs adopted prevalent racial prejudices in the West, leading to a variant of Islamophobia within the Sikh community that mirrors broader Islamophobic discourse. [354] [352]

In 2018, Sikh Youth UK's report claimed similarities between the exploitation of young Sikh women and the Rotherham scandal. [355] However, a 2019 critique from two Sikh academics and a UK government report found the allegations to be false and misleading, lacking solid data and promoting historical tensions "designed to whip up fear and hate". [356] [357] Research by Katy Sian of the University of York further debunked these claims, attributing them to extremist Sikh groups. [358] [359]

During the 2024 United Kingdom riots, the Sikh community, along with the Hindu and Jewish communities, released statements condemning the Islamophobic rioting. [360] [361]

Notable British Muslim figures

Business and finance

Media and entertainment

Politics and public life

Sports

Religion and scholarship

Philanthropy and community leadership

Notable mosques

The following are among the most well-known and architecturally or historically notable mosques in the United Kingdom: [362]

See also

Notes

  1. Only takes into account the Muslim population residing on land controlled by the Republic of Cyprus.
  2. Scotland held its census a year later after the rest of the United Kingdom due to the COVID-19 pandemic. As a result, data shown is for 2022 as opposed to 2021.

References

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  2. "Scotland's Census 2022 - Ethnic group, national identity, language and religion - Chart data". Scotland's Census. National Records of Scotland. 21 May 2024. Retrieved 21 May 2024. Alternative URL 'Search data by location' > 'All of Scotland' > 'Ethnic group, national identity, language and religion' > 'Religion'
  3. "MS-B21: Religion". Northern Ireland Statistics and Research Agency. 22 September 2022. Retrieved 7 January 2023.
  4. "TS030 - Religion Edit query". www.nomisweb.co.uk. Nomis: Official Census and Labour Market Statistics. Retrieved 29 November 2022.
  5. "2011 Census: Quick Statistics" . Retrieved 17 May 2014.
  6. "Muslim Population Growth in Europe Pew Research Center". 10 July 2024.
  7. "Religion, England and Wales - Office for National Statistics". www.ons.gov.uk. Retrieved 5 December 2022.
  8. "Religion (detailed) - Office for National Statistics". www.ons.gov.uk. Retrieved 5 December 2022.
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Further reading

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