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Black people in ancient Roman history

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In classical antiquity, Greek and Roman writers were acquainted with people of every skin tone from very pale (associated with populations from Scythia) to very dark (associated with populations from sub-Saharan Africa (Aethiopia). People described with words meaning "black", or as Aethiopes, are occasionally mentioned throughout the Empire in surviving writings, and people with very dark skin tones and tightly-curled hair are depicted in various artistic modes. Other words for people with other skin tones were also used.[ citation needed ]

Contents

According to the historian Frank Snowden, skin tones did not carry any social implications, and no social identity, either imposed or assumed, was associated with skin color. Although the color black was associated with ill-omens in the ancient Roman religion, racism as understood today developed only after the classical period:

The ancients did not fall into the error of biological racism; black skin color was not a sign of inferiority. Greeks and Romans did not establish color as an obstacle to integration in society. An ancient society was one that for all its faults and failures never made color the basis for judging a man.

Frank Snowden, Jr. [1] [2]

"Aethiopes"

World according to Pomponius Mela, a Roman geographer. Pomponius Mela's Map of the World.png
World according to Pomponius Mela, a Roman geographer.

In classical antiquity, terms such as afer, maurus, niger, ater, fuscus, perustus, or melas were commonly used in reference to darker-toned physical characteristics encountered in daily life around the Mediterranean. The term Aethiopes (sg. Aethiops ) referred to particularly dark-skinned peoples, first recorded as early as Homer, who presented them as remote, almost legendary figures that inhabited the far reaches of the known world. [3] [4] No ancient writer attempted the detailed human classifications of pseudoscientific racism, and no exact definition of the term Aethiops is recorded. [5] [6] [7] [8] Early contacts with such populations were along the Nile and with the civilization of the kingdoms of Nubia; the mythological stereotype of Aethiopia described its inhabitants as particularly moral. [5] [6]

Aethiopia

The inhabited world according to Herodotus: Libya (Africa) is imagined as extending no further south than the Horn of Africa, terminating in the uninhabitable desert. All peoples inhabiting the southernmost fringes of the inhabitable world are known as Aethiopians (after their dark skin). At the extreme south-east of the continent are the Macrobians, so-called for their longevity. Herodotus world map-en.svg
The inhabited world according to Herodotus: Libya (Africa) is imagined as extending no further south than the Horn of Africa, terminating in the uninhabitable desert. All peoples inhabiting the southernmost fringes of the inhabitable world are known as Aethiopians (after their dark skin). At the extreme south-east of the continent are the Macrobians, so-called for their longevity.

The earliest surviving mention is in the Odyssey:

"But Poseidon was visiting the Ethiopians (Αἰθίοπας), who live far away. Indeed, the Ethiopians, who are the most far-off of men, are divided in two. Some live where the sun sets, and some dwell where it rises. Poseidon went to accept a hecatomb of bulls and sheep. And while there he enjoys the feast."

Homer [9]

Extant geographical sources place Aethiopia somewhere within the upper part of the torrid zone in Sahara desert, imagined as engulfed by the Red Sea, and at the end of the world as known to classical antiquity. This territory merges into areas unknown to classical civilization at its edges, and Aethiopiae are at times described as antichthones, semi-mythic figures who lived beyond the edge of the known world. [10] [11] [12]

Historical status of Ancient Egypt

Herodotus, the "father of history", wrote that Egyptians had dark skin and woolly hair. AGMA Herodote.jpg
Herodotus, the "father of history", wrote that Egyptians had dark skin and woolly hair.

A range of scholars have cited the classical observations of prominent Greeks and Romans as forms of primary evidence to denote the physical appearance of the early Egyptians. [13] [14] [15] Some historical accounts have drawn close physical and cultural resemblances between Egyptians and Ethiopians whereas others have associated them more closely with northern Indians. [16] [17]

In the fifth century BCE, Greek historian, Herodotus, described the Egyptians as having “melanchrones skin and wooly hair and secondly, and more reliably for the reason that alone among mankind the Egyptians and the Ethiopians have practiced circumcision since time immemorial.” [18] Herodotus also wrote that the Ammonians of Siwa Oasis are "colonists from Egypt and Aethiopia and speak a language compounded of the tongues of both countries". [19] [20]

In the first century BCE, Greek historian Diodorus Siculus, in his work Bibliotheca Historica, reported that the Ethiopians claimed that Egypt was an early colony, and that the Ethiopians also cited evidence that they were more ancient than the Egyptians as he wrote:

"The Ethiopians say that the Egyptians are one of their colonies which was brought into Egypt by Osiris". [21]

Diodorus Siculus also discussed the similar cultural practices between the Ethiopians and Egyptians such as the writing systems as he states "We must now speak about the Ethiopian writing which is called hieroglyphic among the Egyptians, in order that we may omit nothing in our discussion of their antiquities". [22]

Ammianus Marcellinus, (325/330-after 391) served as a Greco-Roman historian in 4th century CE, He described “the men of Egypt are mostly brown and black with a skinny and desiccated look.” [23]

Arrian, Greek historian, wrote in the 1st-century AD that "The appearance of the inhabitants is also not very different in India and Ethiopia: the southern Indians are rather more like Ethiopians as they are black to look on, and their hair is black; only they are not so snub-nosed or woolly-haired as the Ethiopians; the northern Indians are most like the Egyptians physically". [24] [25]

According to a passage sourced from Strabo, Greek geographer, 1st-century AD, northern Indians held similar physical characteristics as the Egyptians: "As for the people of India, those in the south are like the Aethiopians in colour, although they are like the rest in respect to countenance and hair (for on account of the humidity of the air their hair does not curl), whereas those in the north are like the Aegyptians". [26]

Secondary interpretation of these historical descriptions have remained a source of academic contention. [27] [28]

Professor of African Studies at Temple University, Molefi Kete Asante has referenced other examples from Herodotus's primary account for which he interprets to describe the physical appearance of Egyptians as Africans. This has included the following sourced statements "the flooding of the Nile could not be caused by snow, because the natives of the country (Egypt) are black from the heat" and descriptions of an oracle as Egyptian based on Dodoneans "calling the dove black,[which] they indicated that the woman was Egyptian". [29]

However, Professor Yaacov Shavit of Tel Aviv University, argued that "[t]he evidence clearly shows that those Greco-Roman authors who refer to the skin color and other physical traits distinguish sharply between Ethiopians (Nubians) and Egyptians, and rarely do they refer to the Egyptians as black, even though they were described as darker than themselves.... [in addition,] Egyptians and Nubians were both clearly distinguished from the black Africans." [30]

Classical author Frank Snowden argued that terms used by ancient Greek and Roman writers to describe the physical characteristics of other ancient peoples differed from contemporary racial terminology in the West. [31]

Keita and Boyce expressed caution on the use and reliability of primary accounts and instead favoured population biology. [32] Nonetheless, they found these descriptions on the origins of early Egyptians aligned with modern sources of anthropological data (cranial, limb proportion studies) which identified greater similarities between early Egyptians and North-East African populations (Somalia, Nubia and Kushites) that were "Ethiopians" in the Greek traditional sense. [33] In a later chapter, Keita observed that some Greeks reported that Egypt was an Ethiopian colony but distinctions were made between Egyptians and Ethiopians in ancient accounts, but it remained unclear whether these distinctions were made on cultural rather on biological grounds. [34]

Academic consensus on the peopling of Egypt

Mainstream scholarship have situated the ethnicity and the origins of predynastic, southern Egypt as a foundational community primarily in northeast Africa which included the Sudan, tropical Africa and the Sahara whilst recognising the population variability that became characteristic of the pharaonic period. [35] [36] [37] [38] Pharaonic Egypt featured a physical gradation across the regional populations, with Upper Egyptians having shared more biological affinities with Sudanese and southernly African populations, whereas Lower Egyptians had closer genetic links with Levantine and Mediterranean populations. [39] [40] [41]

International scholarship reflected in the UNESCO General History of Africa have expressed a similar position. A majority of the scholars that contributed to the Volume II edition (1981) considered Egypt an indigenous African civilisation with a mixed population that originated largely in the Sahara and featured a variety of skin colours from north and south of the Saharan region. [42] [43] In the view of Egyptian scholar and featured editor, Gamal Mokhtar, Upper Egypt and Nubia held "similar ethnic composition" with comparable material culture. [44] An updated volume IX publication launched in 2025, reaffirmed the view that Egypt had African and Eurasian populations. [45] The review section which focused on the 1974 "Peopling of Egypt" symposium stated that accumulated research over the three decades had confirmed the migration from Southernly African along with Saharan populations into the early Nile Valley. [46] Upper Egypt was now positioned as a origin point of Pharaonic unification, with supporting archaeological, anthropological, genetic and linguistic sources of evidence having identified close affinities between Upper Egypt and other Sub-Saharan African populations. [46]

Identifiable people

Aethiopiae were rare in the capital under Nero; it was evidence of a brilliant and costly affair when the gladiators for a whole day's show consisted only of Aethiopes. [47]

One "Aethiop" soldier is reported (by Historia Augusta , a source of mixed reliability) in Britannia in about 210 CE, his black skin being considered a bad omen [48] for North African Emperor Septimius Severus who was born in Leptis Magna. [49]

Depictions of skin tone

A strong distinction in skin color is frequently seen in the portrayal of men and women in Ancient Rome. Since women in Ancient Rome were traditionally expected to stay inside and out of the sun, they were usually quite pale; whereas men were expected to go outside and work in the sun, so they were usually deeply tanned. [50] Separately, people with very dark skin and tightly-curled hair were often depicted in art. [5] Classical pedagogy, intermingled with the fraught legacy of racism, has incorrectly imputed racism to ancient depictions of people with the physical characteristics of sub-Saharan Africans. [5] [51]

Attitudes towards physical differences between populations

Romans and Greeks were generally ethnocentric, priding themselves on their autochthony and viewing themselves as somewhat privileged inhabitants of the optimal environment for human prosperity and advancement. [52] Environmental determinism was the primary lens through which classical elites understood their perceived advantages vis-à-vis the "other", and ubiquitous themes of eastern effeminacy as compared to northern hardiness were ascribed to the consequences of different climatic conditions.[ citation needed ] [53]

Classical authors have left no record of any social implications of dark or black skin color, but multiple sources of group identity are recorded. [54] Romans clearly perceived physical differences between individuals and populations across time and space, as evidenced by the frequent representation of diverse types in classical iconography. [55] But they never defined these differences in a comprehensive manner, employing a range of terms to describe human social and physical characteristics. For example, terms such as genos, ethnos, ethnê, and phulê can be approximately mapped onto 21st-century notions of race, ethnic grouping, political units, or other sociocultural concepts. A "Roman" identity did not suggest a given skin tone, rather it referred to an ever-shifting set of cultural traditions, growing more eclectic in later Roman history, to which inherited physical characteristics were of no relevance. [56] [57]

See also

References

  1. Snowden, Jr., Frank M. (1970). Blacks in Antiquity: Ethiopians in the Greco-Roman Experience. Harvard University Press. ISBN   9780674076266 . Retrieved 2022-06-24.
  2. Snowden, Jr., Frank M. (1983). "Art and the somatic norm image". Before Color Prejudice. Harvard University Press. pp. 79–82. ISBN   9780674063815.
  3. van Wyk Smith, Malvern (2009). The First Ethiopians: The image of Africa and Africans in the early Mediterranean World. Wits University Press. pp. 344–5.
  4. Mauny, R.; Snowden, Frank M. (1971). "Africans in Antiquity". The Journal of African History. 12 (1): 157–159. doi:10.1017/S0021853700000141. ISSN   0021-8537. JSTOR   180574.
  5. 1 2 3 4 Snowden, Jr., Frank M. (1970). Blacks in Antiquity. Cambridge: Harvard University Press.
  6. 1 2 Snowden, Jr., Frank M. (1983). Before Color Prejudice. Cambridge: Harvard University Press.
  7. Thompson, Lloyd (1989). Romans and Blacks. London: Routledge.
  8. Isaac, Benjamin (2004). The Invention of Racism in Antiquity. Princeton: Princeton University Press.
  9. Homer, Odyssey. 1.22-26. (Lattimore 1975)
  10. Strabo. The Geography of Strabo. London: New York: W. Heinemann; G.P. Putnam's Sons.
  11. Romer, F.E. (1998). Pomponius Mela's Description of the World. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press.
  12. Herodotus (1996). Herodotus : the Histories. London: Penguin Books.
  13. Mukhtār, Muḥammad Jamāl al-Dīn (27 June 1990). UNESCO General History of Africa, Vol. II, Abridged Edition: Ancient Africa. University of California Press. pp. 21–26. ISBN   978-0-520-06697-7.
  14. Snowden Frank (1996). "The Physical Characteristics of Egyptians and Their Southern Neighbors: The Classical Evidence," in Egypt in Africa, Theodore Celenko (ed). Indianapolis, Ind.: Indianapolis Museum of Art. pp. 106–108. ISBN   0-936260-64-5.
  15. Samuels, Tristan (2015). "Herodotus and the Black Body: A Critical Race Theory Analysis". Journal of Black Studies. 46 (7): 723–741. doi:10.1177/0021934715602182. ISSN   0021-9347. JSTOR   24572916.
  16. Keita S.O.Y. (1996). "The Diversity of Indigenous Africans," in Egypt in Africa, Theodore Celenko (ed). Indianapolis, Ind.: Indianapolis Museum of Art. pp. 104–105. ISBN   0-936260-64-5.
  17. Lefkowitz, Mary R.; Rogers, Guy MacLean (24 March 2014). Black Athena Revisited. UNC Press Books. pp. 112–116. ISBN   978-1-4696-2032-9.
  18. Mukhtār, Muḥammad Jamāl al-Dīn (27 June 1990). UNESCO General History of Africa, Vol. II, Abridged Edition: Ancient Africa. University of California Press. pp. 21–26. ISBN   978-0-520-06697-7.
  19. Histories. Pekka Mansikka. 10 June 2021. pp. 117, 182. ISBN   978-952-69639-2-1.
  20. Wood, Michael (1997). In the Footsteps of Alexander the Great: A Journey from Greece to Asia. University of California Press. p. 78. ISBN   978-0-520-21307-4.
  21. Diop 1974, pp. 1–10.
  22. Diodorus Siculus. "The Library of History Book III Chapter 1-14". penelope.uchicago.edu.
  23. Mukhtār, Muḥammad Jamāl al-Dīn (27 June 1990). UNESCO General History of Africa, Vol. II, Abridged Edition: Ancient Africa. University of California Press. pp. 21–26. ISBN   978-0-520-06697-7.
  24. Celenko, Theodore (1996). Egypt in Africa. Indianapolis, Ind.: Indianapolis Museum of Art. p. 106. ISBN   0253332699.
  25. Arrian. Indica. pp. 6:9.
  26. The Geography of Strabo, with an English Translation by Horace Leonard Jones: Based in Part Upon the Unfinished Version of John Robert Sitlington Sterrett. Harvard University Press. 1960. p. 21.
  27. Lefkowitz, Mary R.; Rogers, Guy MacLean (24 March 2014). Black Athena Revisited. UNC Press Books. pp. 112–116. ISBN   978-1-4696-2032-9.
  28. Asante Kete Molefi (1996). "European Racism Regarding Ancient Egypt," in Egypt in Africa, Theodore Celenko (ed). Indianapolis, Ind.: Indianapolis Museum of Art. pp. 104–105. ISBN   0-936260-64-5.
  29. Asante Kete Molefi (1996). "European Racism Regarding Ancient Egypt," in Egypt in Africa, Theodore Celenko (ed). Indianapolis, Ind.: Indianapolis Museum of Art. pp. 104–105. ISBN   0-936260-64-5.
  30. Shavit, Yaacov (12 November 2013). History in Black: African-Americans in Search of an Ancient Past. Routledge. p. 154. ISBN   978-1-317-79184-3.
  31. Lefkowitz, Mary R.; Rogers, Guy MacLean (24 March 2014). Black Athena Revisited. UNC Press Books. pp. 112–116. ISBN   978-1-4696-2032-9.
  32. Keita S.O.Y., Boyce A.J. (1996). "The Geographical Origins and Population Relationships of Early Ancient Egyptians," in Egypt in Africa, Theodore Celenko (ed). Indianapolis, Ind.: Indianapolis Museum of Art. pp. 23–24. ISBN   0-936260-64-5.
  33. Keita S.O.Y., Boyce A.J. (1996). "The Geographical Origins and Population Relationships of Early Ancient Egyptians," in Egypt in Africa, Theodore Celenko (ed). Indianapolis, Ind.: Indianapolis Museum of Art. pp. 23–24. ISBN   0-936260-64-5.
  34. Keita S.O.Y. (1996). "The Diversity of Indigenous Africans," in Egypt in Africa, Theodore Celenko (ed). Indianapolis, Ind.: Indianapolis Museum of Art. pp. 104–105. ISBN   0-936260-64-5.
  35. "There is now a sufficient body of evidence from modern studies of skeletal remains to indicate that the ancient Egyptians, especially southern Egyptians, exhibited physical characteristics that are within the range of variation for ancient and modern indigenous peoples of the Sahara and tropical Africa. The distribution of population characteristics seems to follow a clinal pattern from south to north, which may be explained by natural selection as well as gene flow between neighboring populations. In general, the inhabitants of Upper Egypt and Nubia had the greatest biological affinity to people of the Sahara and more southerly areas."Lovell, Nancy C. (1999). "Egyptians, physical anthropology of". In Bard, Kathryn A.; Shubert, Steven Blake (eds.). Encyclopedia of the Archaeology of Ancient Egypt. London: Routledge. pp. 328–331. ISBN   0415185890.
  36. "The data clearly suggests that the population in southern Egypt became more diverse as the society more complex (Keita 1992). Egyptian society seems never to have been "closed", and it is hard to believe that the modal phenotype could have remain unchanged, especially if social and sexual collection were operating. However, it is important to emphasize that, while the biology changed with increasing local social complexity, the ethnicity of Niloto-Saharo-Sudanese origins did not change. The cultural morays, ritual formulae, and symbols used in writing, as far as can be ascertained, remained true to their southern origins".Keita, S. O. Y. (1993). "Studies and Comments on Ancient Egyptian Biological Relationships". History in Africa. 20: 129–154. doi:10.2307/3171969. ISSN   0361-5413. JSTOR   3171969. S2CID   162330365.
  37. p.85–“The physical anthropological findings from the major burial sites of those founding locales of ancient Egypt in the millennium BCE, notably El-Badari as well as Naqada, show no demographic indebtedness to the Levant. They reveal instead a population with cranial and dental features with closest parallels of those of other longtime populations of the surrounding areas of northeastern Africa, such as Nubia and the northern Horn of Africa. Members of this population did not come from somewhere else but were descendants of the long-term inhabitants of these portions of Africa going back many millennia.”Ehret, Christopher (20 June 2023). Ancient Africa: A Global History, to 300 CE. Princeton: Princeton University Press. pp. 83–86, 97, 167–169. ISBN   978-0-691-24409-9. Archived from the original on 22 March 2023. Retrieved 20 March 2023.
  38. p.355 - "The importance of iconographic sources was emphasized in the main. Säve-Söderbergh and Leclant stressed that the links indicated by cave paintings between the vast expanses of the Sahara and the banks of the Nile nodded to a migration of peoples of the Sahara and groups from the South to the valley –something confirmed by research over the last thirty years. Diop set out to return Egypt to its southern African hinterland by systematically using Pharaonic statues and art to support his point of view. Although a debate on the north-south orientation of a 'civilizing' wave of peoples in the valley had prevailed up to that point, the avalanche of new data now made this idea redundant, suggesting instead the image of a growing and unifying political movement in the valley from south to north that repositioned its starting point back in time: in Upper Egypt, digs at the Uj tomb of King Scorpion at the Abydos necropolis push back the origin of the first Horus back to circa 3250 BCE, and the resumption of excavations at Nekhen led to the exhumation of the famous 'Elephant Kings' of Hierakonpolis (Nekhen) which have no inscriptions and date back even further to circa 3700 BCE."
    p.356 - "It quantified the key impact of sub-Saharan populations and found a clear link between the Siwi and the peoples of North-East Africa. We could continue with work by Zakrzewski on the predynastic population of Nekhen, investigations by Crubezy which traced the boundaries of the ancient Khoisan settlement to Upper Egypt, where its faint traces remain identifiable, and Keita's work, as the most groundbreaking."'
    p.356 - "Hence the work by Cerny's team highlighting the close links between the peoples of Upper Egypt, North Cameroon and Ethiopia – the Cameroon people living in the Mandara mountains speaking Chadic languages, and the Ethiopians speaking Kushitic languages, prior to Ge'ez being spread throughout the region during the Aksumite period. This broadens the linguistic debate to include language families that had been little studied or used in comparisons that have long focused on the East." Anselin, Alain. "Review of Ancient Civilizations of Africa: General History of Africa Volume II " in (General history of Africa, IX: General history of Africa revisited. pp. 355–75.
  39. Zakrzewski, Sonia R. (April 2007). "Population continuity or population change: Formation of the ancient Egyptian state" . American Journal of Physical Anthropology. 132 (4): 501–509. Bibcode:2007AJPA..132..501Z. doi:10.1002/ajpa.20569. PMID   17295300. When Mahalanobis D2 was used, the Naqadan and Badarian Predynastic samples exhibited more similarity to Nubian, Tigrean, and some more southern series than to some mid- to late Dynasticseries from northern Egypt (Mukherjee et al., 1955). The Badarian have been found to be very similar to a Kerma sample (Kushite Sudanese), using both the Penrose statistic (Nutter, 1958) and DFA of males alone (Keita,1990). Furthermore, Keita considered that Badarian males had a southern modal phenotype, and that together with a Naqada sample, they formed a southern Egyptian cluster as tropical variants together with a sample from Kerma
  40. "Southern Egypt and Nubia are geographically co-extensive, with populations grading into each other. The absorption of Qustul's people would have reinforced this. There is biological overlap of these populations in origin, but ongoing admixture is also apparent."Keita, S. O. Y. (September 2022b). "Ideas about "Race" in Nile Valley Histories: A Consideration of "Racial" Paradigms in Recent Presentations on Nile Valley Africa, from "Black Pharaohs" to Mummy Genomest". Journal of Ancient Egyptian Interconnections.
  41. Hassan, Fekri (20 May 2021). "The African Dimension of Egyptian Origins (May 2021)".
  42. Mukhtār, Muḥammad Jamāl al-Dīn (1990). Ancient Civilizations of Africa. Currey. p. 46. ISBN   978-0852550922 . Retrieved 2 June 2016.
  43. The peopling of ancient Egypt and the deciphering of Meroitic script : proceedings of the symposium held in Cairo from 28 January to 3 February 1974. London: Karnak House. 1997. pp. 94–95. ISBN   978-0907015994.
  44. Mokhtar, Gamal. General history of Africa, II: Ancient civilizations of Africa. p. 20-25.
  45. "The key questions addressed in this rubric are not about the ‘ownership’ of ancient Egypt. It is instead about the inner dynamics of ancient Egyptian societies in their own terms. Egypt, located at the intersection of Africa and Eurasia, is African, with a fluctuating distribution of African and Eurasian populations depending on historical circumstances"Holl, Augustin. General history of Africa, IX: General history of Africa revisited. p. LVIII.
  46. 1 2 Holl, Augustin. General history of Africa, IX: General history of Africa revisited. pp. 355–375.
  47. Cassius Dio. Roman History LXII 3: "Nero admired him for this action and entertained him in many ways, especially by giving a gladiatorial exhibition at Puteoli. It was under the direction of Patrobius, one of his freedmen, who managed to make it a most brilliant and costly affair, as may be seen from the fact that on one of the days not a person but Ethiopians — men, women, and children — appeared in the theatre." https://penelope.uchicago.edu/Thayer/E/Roman/Texts/Cassius_Dio/62*.html#29
  48. Historia Augusta, Septimius Severus, chapter 22. https://penelope.uchicago.edu/Thayer/L/Roman/Texts/Historia_Augusta/Septimius_Severus*.html#22
  49. Birley, Anthony R (2002). Septimius Severus: The African Emperor. Taylor & Francis. ISBN   978-113-470-745-4.
  50. McDaniel, Spencer (September 30, 2020). "Were the Ancient Greeks and Romans White?".
  51. Goff, Barbara (2005). Colonialism in Classics. Reading: Bloomsbury Publishing.
  52. Isaac, Benjamin (2004). The Invention of Racism in Classical Antiquity. Princeton: Princeton University Press. p. 503.
  53. Hippocrates (1881) [ca. 400 BCE]. Burnell, A.C. (ed.). On Airs, Waters, and Places. London: Wyman & Sons.
  54. Kennedy, RF; Roy, CS; Goldman, ML (2013). Race and Ethnicity in the Classical World: An Anthology of Primary Sources. Indianapolis: Hackett Publishing Company. pp. 3–10.
  55. Gates, Jr., Henry Louis; Bindman, David; Dalton, Karen C. C. (2010). The Image of the Black in Western Art, Volume I: From the Pharaohs to the Fall of the Roman Empire. Cambridge: Harvard University Press. ISBN   9780674052710.
  56. Lomas, Kathryn; Gardner, Andrew; Herring, Edward (2013). "Creating Ethnicities and Identities in the Roman World". Bulletin of the Institute of Classical Studies. Supplement (120): 1–10. ISSN   2398-3264. JSTOR   44216736.
  57. de Souza Briggs, Xavier (4 December 2004). "Civilization in Color: The Multicultural City in Three Millennia" (PDF). City & Community via dusp.mit.edu.
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