Welsh education in the early- to mid-19th century

The British and Foreign School Society (which was Nonconformist) and the National Society for Promoting Religious Education (which was Anglican) were founded in 1808 and 1811, respectively. These organisations began to establish "voluntary schools". ^[1] The curriculum was focused on the three R's (reading, writing and arithmetic). ^[2] From 1833, the two voluntary societies began to receive government funding. ^[3] The proportion of day school pupils at private schools fell in Wales from 58 per cent in 1833 to 26 per cent in 1851. ^[4] The Revised Code of 1862 introduced a system of payment by results, with grants based on pupils' knowledge of the three R's and attendance. ^[5]

Teaching English was widely seen as the main function of working-class schooling and Welsh was often entirely excluded from day schools. ^[6] Excluding Welsh from lessons was not an effective way of teaching English. ^[7] The British government never forbade the use of Welsh in schools. ^[8] The 1862 Revised Code did not include Welsh as a grant-earning subject. ^[9] Some historians have seen this as further undermining the position of Welsh in schools, but there is no evidence from the time that it decreased the language's use. ^[10]

The 1868, Taunton Commission identified 28 boys' grammar schools with combined student numbers of 1,100. ^[11] The National Commercial Directory (1835) by Pigot & Co noted 96 private boarding schools in Wales. All the schools were single sex and a clear majority were for girls. ^[12]

Terminology

Elementary schools, equivalent to primary education, were most people's sole experience of schooling. ^[13] In the 19th century, schools created by the National Society, British Society and school boards were respectively known as National, British and Board schools. ^[14] Young children in elementary schools were referred to as the infants. Older pupils were grouped into six standards. Children often joined Standard One at the age of seven, but progression was based on academic performance rather than age. Standard Seven was added in 1882, but some schools did not include this grouping. ^[15] Young adults sometimes attended elementary schools in the late 19th century. ^[16] In 1907, the upper age limit of elementary schools was set at fifteen. ^[17]

Secondary schools were only attended by a minority of adolescents in this period. ^[18] There age range overlapped with elementary schools, receiving children from the age of around ten. ^[19] Secondary schools had students over the age 16 and less frequently over the age of 18. ^[20] The usual starting age at Welsh secondary schools was 12 ^[21] and many students only attended for a few years. ^[22] Secondary schools created after the Welsh Intermediate Education Act 1889 were known as intermediate schools and those created by the Education Act 1902 were called municipal secondary schools. ^[23] Higher elementary schools were part of the elementary system, but intended for older children. ^[24] Central schools were similar institutions created by the Education Act 1918. ^[25]

The term England was often used to refer to the whole of the island of Great Britain in this period, including Wales. ^[26]

Historical context, 1870 — 1939

British First World War propaganda poster, showing a map of the United Kingdom with each country personified. (c. 1914)

Siblings in St Dogmaels (c. 1885)

Men dressed as Philip de Braose, Norman and medieval Welsh soldiers for the Builth Wells Historical Pageant (1909)

Satirical cartoon by J. M. Staniforth in the Western Mail. A lion, representing Britain, roars to scare away foreign politicians. (1899) ^{[note 1]}

Wales had been politically united with England since the 16th century. ^[27] The United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland — comprising Wales, England, Ireland and Scotland — had been established in 1800. ^[28] English was the language of government, the Welsh social elite and much of economic life. Welsh was the first language of most people in Wales at the start of this period; it had no official status, was associated with the working classes and viewed with little respect. ^[29] Throughout the late 19th and early 20th centuries, many Welsh-speakers were keen for their children to learn English and felt that language should be prioritised in schools above Welsh. ^{[30] [31]} Welsh had become a minority language by the early 20th century. ^[32] Most of Ireland left the United Kingdom forming the Irish Free State in the early 1920s.

In 1870, there were no legal or administrative differences between England and Wales. ^[28] Scotland and Ireland had different education systems. ^[33] In the 1880s, the British Parliament began to pass laws which applied only in Wales. ^[34] These included the Welsh Intermediate Education Act 1889, which expanded secondary education provision 13 years before similar reforms were made in England. ^[35] Numerous unsuccessful proposals were made to create a National Council of Education during this period; a committee of Welsh officials that would have authority over Wales's education system. ^[36] The Central Welsh Board, a similar organisation with authority over intermediate schools only, was established in 1896. ^[37] A Welsh Department was created in the Board of Education in 1907. ^[38]

From the late 19th century to the First World War, the coal-mining industry prospered in the South Wales Valleys. ^[39] The Welsh population became increasingly urban as migrants left the countryside during an economic downturn in the late 19th century. ^[40] As most working-class people knew their neighbours well, they valued a community spirit. They also wanted to be seen as respectable, known in the slang of Welsh English-speakers as being "tidy". ^[41] Maude Morgan Thomas, whose family immigrated to the United States when she was a young girl in 1912, ^[42] recalled about the street where she was born in Pontypool: ^[43]

The houses showed trim faces to the street. Slate roofs gleamed, windows glistened and a general air of neatness and a well-scrubbed look attested to the Welsh passion for cleanliness. Housewives were especially proud of the appearance of their front doors. Brass knockers and letter slots were always gleaming, and the doorsteps were always immaculately white ... And certainly no caller, no matter how early he came, could complain of her untidiness.

The Liberal Party dominated politics and a growing sense of Welsh patriotism developed. ^[44] The expanding ^[40] middle-class were interested in Welsh culture. ^[34] Elizabeth Phillips Hughes argued in 1901 that "quick sympathy and tact, the ready tongue and lively imagination, the dramatic instinct and the love of fun" were part of the Welsh national character. ^[45] The Cymru Fydd (Wales Will Be) movement promoted Welsh nationalism ^[40] and the idea of home rule began to be debated. ^[46] Such ideas had little mass appeal among the Welsh population. ^[47] Robert Smith, an historian of elementary schools in the late 19th century, commented that William Gladstone was more popular with the Welsh public in that period than local liberal politicians who saw themselves as better representing Wales. ^[48] Many people in Wales were proud to be British. Welsh-language newspapers supported the British Empire. ^[49] The Labour Party, which replaced the Liberals as Wales's dominant political party after the First World War, emphasised representing working-class people across the United Kingdom rather than specifically Welsh interests. ^[50]

The First World War created a perception among politicians and officials that British education was inadequate. ^{[51] [note 2]} Gareth Elwyn Jones, an historian of Welsh education, argued that the practical effect of these sentiments was limited. ^[52] Economic conditions became increasingly difficult for Welsh industry during the 1920s. Jones and Gordon Wynne Roderick, another historian of Welsh education, commented that after these industries "faced ruin" after the Wall Street Crash in 1929. ^[53] The Welsh economy was heavily affected by the Great Depression; the unemployment rate reached 37 per cent in 1932. It started to fall, thereafter, but the economic recovery was slower in South Wales than most parts of the United Kingdom. ^[54]

Laws, politics and administration

According to historian W. B. Stephens, the Elementary Education Act 1870 began the transition to compulsory education and a school system run directly by the state. However, he also describes it as a compromise which only started that process. It required school boards run by locally elected officials to be established in areas where there were "insufficient places in efficient voluntary schools" to run additional schools. ^[55] Education reform was part of the changes planned by the Liberal government elected in 1868; the issue received significant political debate across England and Wales. ^[56] A conference about education had been held by Welsh Nonconformist leaders shortly before the bill's publication. Almost all the delegates wanted an education system funded by the state, with compulsory attendance and no school fees. The conference was divided on the issue of religious instruction, concluding that voluntary schools should be allowed to give religious education at the start or end of the day, which parents could opt out of. ^[57] The bill was considered a disappointment by many Welsh Nonconformists; most controversially, the method proposed for opting children out of religious instruction was deemed inadequate. ^[58] The right to remove children from religious instruction was reinforced as the bill progressed through parliament. ^[59] After its passage, nonconformists largely accepted what they saw as the act's limitations and tried to make it work in their interest. ^[60]

In some areas, the decision for a school board to be created was made with little debate. In others, there was more controversy which sometimes led to a referendum of local people. ^[61] Anglican clergymen and landowners were mostly resistant to the establishment of school boards. ^[62] The usual argument made against their creation was that it would increase, local taxation, the rates. There were sometimes allegations that local landowners were putting pressure on their tenants to vote against. ^[63] A large number of school boards were created in the first half of the 1870s; fewer were established later in the decade. ^[64] School boards were elected every three years. All ratepayers, including some women, had the right to vote in these elections. A secret ballot was used, but there were complaints that Nonconformist leaders were coercing their religious followers into voting a certain way. Candidates tended to be elected to represent religious factions; by the end of the 19th century, this was replaced by political party affiliations in larger towns. Electoral behaviour could differ from national elections. ^{[65] [note 3]}

The 1870 Act did not make education compulsory, but gave school boards the option of introducing compulsion in their areas. The Elementary Education Act 1876 declared that parents had an obligation to ensure their children were educated and compelled the Poor Law authorities to create School Attendance Committees in areas that did not have a School Board. The 1880 Elementary Education Act required all School Boards and School Attendance Committees to make education compulsory until the age of ten. ^[66] Ten- to thirteen-year-olds could leave school once they had reached Standard Five. ^[67] Welsh nonconformist leaders were sympathetic to the idea of compulsory education, but were nervous that some Nonconformist parents would be forced to send their children to Anglican schools. ^[68] Attendance was made free in 1891, the minimum school leaving age was increased to 11 in 1893 and 12 in 1899. ^[69] During the early 20th century, children who wished to leave school at the age of twelve took the Labour Proficiency Examination, in the three R's. ^[70] Compulsory education was extended to disabled children between the 1890s ^[69] and the First World War. ^{[19] [note 4]} The Education Act 1918 increased the minimum school leaving age to fourteen. ^[19]

Voluntary schools had access to less funding than Board schools, and by the end of the 19th century, were often in a poor condition. The 1902 Education Act abolished School Boards and replaced them with local education authorities (LECs). These authorities would be partially responsible for funding all state schools in their areas, including former voluntary schools. The idea of denominational Anglican and Roman Catholic schools being funded by the rates upset Nonconformists. ^[71] In June 1903, a conference of Welsh officials held in Cardiff encouraged defiance of the law. All Welsh counties, with the exception of Radnorshire and Brecknockshire, were refusing to fully implement the new system at the end of that year. The dispute caused financial problems for schools, some of which struggled to pay for teachers, heating and equipment. The central government used this situation to portray local officials as prioritising politics over the welfare of children. The government passed the 1904 Education (Local Authority Default) Act, which allowed the central government to bypass the LECs and send funding directly to the former voluntary schools. It was nicknamed the "Coercion of Wales Act", a reference to Coercion Acts. The local authorities tried various strategies to stop this from happening, but were unable to defy the wishes of the central government. The dispute ended after a new government, which was more popular in Wales, came to power in 1905. ^[72]

The Welsh Department was created within the Board of Education in 1907 and Owen Edwards was appointed chief inspector. While less fond of industrial areas, he saw the people of rural, Welsh-speaking Wales as naturally gifted and needing an education that would bring out their talents. He was complementary of elementary school teachers at a time when they were often viewed with little respect, but disliked what he saw as their schools' inadequate buildings and restricted curriculums. ^[73] Between 1906 and 1910, the government passed various legislation intended to improve the welfare of schoolchildren at a time when disease was a serious threat to them. Free school milk was offered, LECs were given the option to provide free school meals, a medical department was set up in the Board of Education, LECs were required to appoint school medical officers and conduct physical examinations of pupils. ^[19] In 1918, 10 per cent of elementary schools inspected in North Wales were deemed excellent, 40 per cent good, 40 per cent satisfactory and 10 per cent unsatisfactory. ^[74] Government funding cuts during the Great Depression affected elementary schools. ^[75]

Private, charitable and specialist schools

The government assumed after the 1870 Act that five per cent of children would not need a state-funded school place as they would belong to wealthy families who would arrange to have them privately educated. The figure was lower in Wales as the Welsh population was poorer, on average, than the English. ^[76] Around 18 governesses were working in Anglesey in 1871. ^[77] Certain schools existed to cater to wealthy families ^[78] and these households sometimes sent their children away to be educated. ^{[79] [note 5]}

The decline of private elementary schools continued in the late 19th century. Some remained; 20 such schools with around 500 pupils were located in Swansea in 1876. They were often criticised by school inspectors; for instance, being considered unhygienic. Many working-class families had an improving quality of life and more money to spend on non-essential items in the late 19th century. School inspectors felt that the continued presence of private elementary schools in the 1870s and 1880s was due to parents deciding to pay their moderately higher fees than those of the state-funded schools. ^[86] HMI Binns argued in 1874 that these schools appealed to the pretensions of certain parents and allowed them to isolate their children from those they considered their social inferiors. ^[87] Some private elementary schools continued to exist in the early 20th century. ^{[88] [note 6]}

A number of early cottage home schemes were established in South Wales in the 1870s. These were orphanages which provided alternative accommodation for destitute children who would otherwise be in the workhouse. They were designed to resemble villages, with various amenities, including a school. ^[89] Later they became widespread across Wales and England, many continued to exist for much of the 20th century. ^[90] As the elementary school system expanded during the late 19th century, ragged schools—which had been established in the middle of the 19th century to cater to the poorest children—experienced some decline. There continued to be concerns that some children were not being accommodated in the mainstream school system and this type of school existed into the early 20th century. ^{[91] [note 7]} The Waifs and Strays Society and National Society for the Prevention of Cruelty to Children established orphanages for destitute children in Wales. ^[93]

Attendance, teaching and discipline

In 1877, before education was universally compulsory, average attendance by Welsh county ranged from 46 per cent in Radnorshire to 67 per cent in Carmarthenshire. ^{[note 8]} Attendance tended to be higher at board schools. By 1900, the proportion varied from 72 per cent in Anglesey to 79 per cent in Glamorgan. ^[95] Many sheep farmers lived in hamlets far from the nearest school; HMI E.T. Watts noted in 1871 that some parents had to arrange foster homes so their children could attend. ^[96] Rural children in the early 20th century continued to walk long distances to school. ^[97] Poverty was also felt to contribute to low attendance; including a pressure on some children to work illegally. Schools in Merthyr Tydfil became overcrowded in 1875 during a strike in the local iron industry. ^[98] An agent of Lord Powis told a parliamentary inquiry in 1902 that he believed between 40 per cent and 50 per cent of children in the Welshpool area were out of school at harvest time, magistrates were reluctant to convict and even school board members in mid-Wales put their children to work. ^[99] Local public events and Sunday School activities were also believed to undermine school attendance. Parents who were considered respectable by their neighbours sometimes had children who regularly missed school. ^[100]

Research relating to a group of teachers working in the Rhondda, during the late 19th century, suggested that a clear majority had attended training colleges. Most of the headteachers had studied in England. ^[101] The courses taught at training colleges tended to put little emphasis on pedagogy, instead focusing on improving the general education of students who had frequently not been to secondary school. Issues that were specific to Wales played little role in the curriculum. The official language of instruction was English and some inspection reports indicate that the purpose of colleges was to improve students English. Welsh was likely used informally as students often had limited English. It was sometimes considered practically helpful, used at the model school where students at Bangor Normal College practised teaching. ^[102] Students could take exams in Welsh from 1909. ^[32] The first college in Wales for women teachers was founded in Swansea in 1872. The university colleges created teacher training departments in 1890 ^[74] and local authorities were given the ability to create new colleges by the 1902 act. In the early 1920s, a majority of teachers working at English and Welsh elementary schools had not been to a college. ^[103] Such teachers were increasingly restricted to smaller schools often in rural areas. ^[104] Those responsible for teaching English to Welsh-speaking children were therefore often untrained. ^[105]

Schools employed young people to help adult staff with teaching. The government had stopped paying specifically for pupil teachers, teenaged apprentice teachers, outside the general grants to schools in 1862. ^[106] This made it difficult for some schools to afford them and teenagers in certain areas could find better paid work elsewhere. Monitors were thus employed who were often pre-teenaged children. ^[107] Young assistants had more direct interaction with individual pupils than adult staff who were responsible for the whole school or a large group. An inspector working in North West Wales commented in 1884 that solely English-speaking teachers left responsibility for teaching the younger children largely to their helpers. ^[108] Young members of staff sometimes struggled to control their pupils or were themselves distractable. ^[109] Parents tended to be less tolerant of young people punishing their children than adults. ^{[110] [note 9]} Centres were established in the 1880s where pupil teachers were educated part-time, rather than being taught by the teacher they were working for. In 1903, pupil teachers were replaced by student teachers. They had to be at least sixteen, or fifteen in rural areas, to allow for them to attend secondary school before their training. ^[74] Student teachers existed until 1937. ^[103]

Teachers were encouraged to limit their use of corporal punishment in the second half of the 19th century. This reflected a wider change in which violence was becoming less socially acceptable. ^[111] The use of humiliation to punish children also began to be discouraged. ^[112] Some teachers noted in their school records that they were avoiding physical discipline. ^{[113] [note 10]} Teachers sometimes mention explaining to children how they should behave and giving them warnings when they broke rules. ^[114] Non-physical punishments such as detention and writing lines became increasingly common. ^[115] Rewards were sometimes used to encourage good behaviour, often paid for by teachers. ^[116] In the early 20th century, some schools were keeping punishment books which indicated that canings had become relatively uncommon. One such book, belonging to a school in Cilcennin, included seven entries for 1901 and nineteen for 1902. Most of the punishments involved a single stroke of the cane. ^[117]

Most teachers believed that corporal punishment was sometimes necessary and some used it regularly. Many teachers complained in school records that their young assistants were overly harsh to pupils or physically punishing them against adult wishes. ^[118] Parents tended to be supportive of corporal punishment but could become angry if they considered discipline excessive; mentions of parents complaining about the issue appear in school records. ^[119] Court cases sometimes took place related to the discipline used in schools. ^{[120] [note 11]} Descriptions of corporal punishment at schools were common in the recollections of those who were children during this period. Martin Johnes, an historian of Welsh education, argues that childhood memories might exaggerate the frequency of corporal punishment, as it was easier for individuals to remember the experience of being physically punished than the frequency with which it happened. ^[121] Roald Dahl wrote that he had few memories of attending Llandaff Cathedral School in the 1920s; ^[122] one of his recollections was being caned for playing a prank on a shopkeeper. ^[123] The headmaster told his mother that corporal punishment was a part of British education which she, being a foreigner, could not understand. ^[124]

School buildings and equipment

A study conducted in the 1960s suggested that about 54 per cent of Welsh primary schools then in use were partially or fully built between 1875 and the end of the First World War. Few had been built in the interwar period. ^[125] The number of elementary schools in Wales more than doubled in the late 19th century. In 1900, a slight majority were board schools and a clear majority of elementary school places were at such schools. ^[126] School boards could take out loans from the Public Works Loan Board to fund the building of schools. ^[127] Wales' school boards often employed Welsh and English professional architects, such as Owen Morris Roberts, E.M Bruce Vaughan and Edwin Seward. ^[128] Schools in the countryside were frequently small and only moderately influenced by architectural fashions. Schools in urban areas often had elaborate designs that reflected styles such as Queen Anne Revival. ^[129] The National Society could no longer receive government funding to build new schools after the 1870 act. The society continued to build some schools during this period, for instance, opening one in Gyffin, Caernarfonshire in 1910. A number of Catholic schools were also established in urban areas, funded by small donations from Catholic residents and larger contributions by wealthy benefactors. ^[130]

A common criticism by school inspectors in late 19th century was that poor equipment — use of slates rather than exercise books and desks with rough surfaces — was impeding children learning to write. ^[132] HMI E.M. Sneyd-Kynnesley commented about a national school in North Wales he visited during the early 1870s, "there are desks for the upper standards only; the other children sit on benches with no back-rails: both desks and benches are evidently the work of the carpenter on the estate". ^[133] Schools increasingly purchased furniture from specialist factories in England. ^[134] School inspectors encouraged the use of blackboards; though local officials were often reluctant to buy them and teachers unwilling to use them. ^[135] Textbooks were frequently scarce or damaged. They could also be ill-suited to Welsh-speaking children with limited English. ^[136] Parents were often asked to supply educational materials but could not always afford them. ^{[137] [note 12]} Schools, especially those that had been built by the voluntary societies, were often in a poor physical condition; ^[139] for instance, being an uncomfortable temperature or lacking toilets and cloakrooms. ^[140] Classes frequently included sixty pupils in the early 20th century. ^[97]

Revised Code era

A common criticism by school inspectors during this period was that teaching focused on preparing children to pass exams rather than ensuring they understood what they had learnt. Austin Herbert, a Scottish educationalist, felt that this tendency in Welsh schools could "lead to an intellectual distaste in after life" among former pupils and reduce school attendance. ^[141] In a 1889 novel by T. Marchant Williams, a Welsh former teacher, this situation is blamed on the Revised Code. It is portrayed as encouraging rote-learning and discouraging children from thinking for themselves. ^[142] The large majority of pupils passed the Revised Code examinations. A number of contemporary studies suggested that there was little difference between the performance of Welsh and English children. ^[143]

Reading lessons often involved children copying their teacher reading aloud. The same book would be repeatedly studied in order to ensure the children sounded fluent in the exam. ^{[144] [note 13]} Welsh children's performance in reading was often felt by inspectors to be of a good quality. ^[146] The writing exams under the Revised Code initially involved dictation. ^[147] Welsh-speakers often had difficulties with English spelling and grammar. ^[148] Over time, reading and writing exams for children in Standard Three and above became more challenging. Children had to study more books for the reading exam and write in their own words for the writing exam. This was difficult for children with limited English and took time away from teaching them a new language. ^[149] At the start of this period, inspectors often considered arithmetic standards in Welsh schools to be poor. ^[146] Welsh speakers often found arithmetic relatively easy because it required less vocabulary than other subjects; though written mathematical problems given to older children could be difficult for them to understand. ^[150]

From the start of this period, schools could choose to have individual older children assessed in subjects other than the three R's in order to earn additional funding and, after 1875, the children in the lower standards could be assessed in them as a group. ^[151] Geography was the most popular option for Welsh schools. ^[151] Geography and history were taught by reading textbooks. Many children struggled to understand these textbooks; both due to their limited English and because the content was not about subjects they were familiar with. Sometimes children could understand specific pieces of information but not the topic in general. ^{[152] [note 14]} Music, which largely meant singing, was the only subject which school inspectors were widely complimentary of the teaching of in Welsh schools. ^[154] A view developed among inspectors that schools were setting an overly demanding curriculum which distracted from their main purpose of teaching the three R's. HMI John Rhŷs argued that subjects such as grammar and English literature, which he considered unsuitable for elementary schools, were being taught in order to impress the inspectorate rather than benefit the children. After changes to the requirements placed on elementary schools in 1888, most restricted their curriculums to a small number of subjects beyond the three R's. ^[155]

Elementary schools could earn grants by teaching sex-specific practical subjects from 1888. ^[156] The teaching of domestic skills to girls was encouraged by school inspectors. It was an expensive subject to teach and most elementary schools restricted lessons to teaching the girls to sew. Nevertheless, Smith suggests that applying knowledge from other aspects of their schooling to domestic chores allowed housewives to become more effective at managing finances and maintaining hygiene. ^[157] Schools run by the National Society taught religious instruction. ^[158] Views on the nature of this instruction varied among Anglicans between those who felt it should be explicitly denominational and others who aimed for it to be acceptable to other groups of Christians. ^[159] Most school boards chose not to introduce religious instruction as they feared that Anglicans or Catholics could gain control of the board and introduce denominational teaching. A growing number did introduce limited religious instruction, such as reading bible verses, singing hymns and the Lord's Prayer. ^[160] This reflected a worry among nonconformists that Wales was becoming a more secular society and Sunday School attendance was falling. ^[161]

After the Revised Code

Payment by results was ended for the three R's in 1890 and for other subjects in 1897. ^[34] The change was generally welcomed by inspectors as a way of making their relationship with teachers more cooperative. ^[162] The focus of lessons remained on teaching the three R's in order to increase pupils chances of gaining a place at secondary school. ^[97] There was, by the early 1900s, a move away from rote learning and towards a wider curriculum. Russell Grigg, an academic, notes that the new aspects added to school life included "field visits, local study, school museums and the creation of school gardens." ^[162] Many school boards also added moral education to their curriculum in the 1890s; promoting thriftiness, abstinence from alcohol and not having children outside of wedlock. ^[163] Elementary education was seen principally as preparing children for lives of manual labour; government guidance for elementary schools, published in 1904, noted that they provided "training in followship rather than leadership training, suited to the working classes". ^[97]

Around the time of the First World War, the subjects listed on inspection reports as being taught at elementary schools included "English, Arithmetic, history and geography, music and drawing". Practical subjects might also be included, such as "needlework, laundry, handicraft, hygiene and school gardens". ^[164] Morgan Thomas remembered finding writing and arithmetic lessons difficult at her Welsh elementary school. ^[165] She recalled history ^[166] and drawing ^[167] lessons more fondly, while, her first years at school were focused on play. ^[168] She indicates that pupils were taught to be polite and deferential to authority. ^[169] Girls were taught needlework. ^[170] Girls in Standard Six practiced housework in a model house on the school grounds; a baby was brought into the school so they could practice looking after it. ^[171] Most of the children had voluntary piano lessons after the school day had ended. ^[167]

The teaching of geography, history, nature study and the organisation of school trips became increasingly common in the early decades of the 20th century. The ideas of educationalists such as John Dewey and Maria Montessori influenced school inspectors and some teachers. The child-centred method of teaching advocated by Dewey influenced the Hadow Report of 1931. The report argued that teaching should emphasise "activity and experience" instead of "knowledge to be acquired and facts to be stored". ^[172] Changes to the teaching methods used in Welsh elementary schools during the interwar period were modest. For instance, some schools added more focus on speaking into English lessons. The emphasis of teaching remained on children memorising information. ^[173]

Growing acceptance of Welsh

These records of a school in Llanddoged mention children being punished for speaking Welsh and learning a Welsh language song. (1877)

Illustration in a 1916 children's book depicting children learning English vocabulary through a bilingual verse. ^{[note 15]}

The 1870 Education Act did not specify the language to be used in schools. ^[174] Johnes argues that most teachers in the late 19th century believed that English should be the main language of instruction. ^[175] A significant minority of teachers were not Welsh-born, so would likely have had limited ability to use the language. ^[176] The reluctance of teachers to use Welsh sometimes preventing children from understand their work. ^[177] Some teachers had limited English or gave instructions in Welsh to make themselves understood to pupils with little English. Pupil teachers, monitors and untrained female sewing teachers also sometimes spoke Welsh due to a lack of English. ^[178] Teachers were also increasingly using Welsh to facilitate the study of English, ^{[179] [note 16]} including at schools where pupils were punished for speaking Welsh. ^[181]

Efforts by teachers to prohibit the speaking of Welsh in schools became gradually less common in the late 19th century. ^[182] In particular, children were increasingly allowed to play in Welsh in their breaks. ^[183] The punishments used where prohibitions were in force were increasingly likely to be non-physical and less embarrassing for the children (e.g. additional schoolwork). ^[112] Some corporal punishment for speaking Welsh at school did continue. ^{[105] [note 17]} Some teachers tried to encourage rather than force children to use English. ^[186] Prohibitions on Welsh were most common in rural, heavily Welsh-speaking areas where teaching English was difficult. ^[187] Johnes suggests that while some teachers may have been hostile to the Welsh language, many tried to maximise the use of English in school because they believed it would make the teaching of the latter language more effective and, therefore, give children more opportunities in life. ^{[188] [note 18]}

In 1875, school inspectors conducting examinations under the Revised Code were formally given permission to ask questions in Welsh to test children's understanding of the examination's content. ^[190] The Necessity of Teaching English through the Medium of Welsh in Elementary Schools in Welsh Spoken Districts (1882) was a report by the Reverend. Jones Davies of Benfleet in Exeter, England. He argued that more Welsh should be used at schools in Welsh-speaking areas to make the teaching of English more effective. The Society for Utilizing the Welsh Language was established in 1885; it was a small organization but had a number of prominent and dedicated members. The society emphasised that it was not trying to stop or impede the study of English. ^{[191] [note 19]}

Between 1889 and 1893, a series of changes were made to government policy: teachers in Welsh-speaking areas were now encouraged to teach English through Welsh and schools could benefit financially from teaching Welsh as a subject. ^[193] While more Welsh began to be used in many schools in Welsh-speaking areas, teachers were reluctant to teach Welsh as a subject, as they worried that it would negatively affect children's English. Interest in teaching Welsh as a subject was often greatest in the more English-speaking areas of Wales. ^{[194] [note 20]} School boards sometimes had practical difficulties introducing Welsh. ^{[196] [note 21]} In 1899–1900 only 0.8 per cent of pupils were taught Welsh as a subject. ^[198]

Edwards encouraged the use of Welsh in schools, primarily in predominantly Welsh-speaking areas, during his tenure as chief inspector. ^[199] The end of payment by results meant Edwards had little power to make schools do anything, but there was a gradual, patchy increase in the use of Welsh in the years after his appointment. ^[200] The 1927 government report Welsh in Education and Life found that Welsh was, in Welsh-speaking areas, the main language of instruction in infant schools and was often taught as a subject up to Standard Four. It was sometimes also taught as a second language in elementary schools in English-speaking areas. ^[201] Children who spoke Welsh at home continued to have difficulties with English. ^{[202] [note 22]} There were worries in Welsh-speaking areas that excessive use of that language in schools was undermining the teaching of English. John Hughes, a professor of education, commented in 1928 that the teaching of Welsh-speaking children in English was still common "in backward schools and areas". ^[203] Johnes comments that some physical punishment for speaking Welsh at school likely continued in the early 20th century. ^{[204] [note 23]}

There was significant discussion about the status of the Welsh language in education during the interwar years; some campaigning took place for it to be enhanced, ^[206] academics debated whether speaking two languages had a negative effect on intelligence ^[207] and the 1927 government report encouraged Welsh teaching. ^[208] However, the difficult economic conditions of the time focused many people's attention, especially in more English-speaking areas, on material concerns. ^[209] In the late 1920s, some LECs in more Welsh-speaking areas attempted to introduce a requirement that all children take their secondary school entrance exam bilingually. This was considered unfair by parents whose children could not speak Welsh and the Welsh department took the view that pupils should be able to choose what language to take the exam in. ^[210]

British and Welsh patriotism

Children forming a Union Flag to mark the arrival of Queen Victoria at Holyhead, Anglesey (pre 1901)

Image by an unnamed illustrator from a school textbook, Flame Bearers of Welsh History (1905), depicting Henry VII's victory at the Battle of Bosworth Field.

Illustration from a 1916 children's book of Cerdd Dant-style singing to a harp at a school concert ^{[note 24]}

Schools put an increasing focus on teaching a sense of British patriotism and support for the British Empire beginning in the 1870s. ^[211] God Save the Queen was taught at many schools along with other patriotic songs. Schools in Carmarthenshire taught Let English boys their duty do, Britain by waves caressed, Oh I’m a British boy sir, Hurrah for England, Victoria! Victoria! Victoria! and Rule Britannia! during the late 19th century. Geography was intended to encourage children to feel a connection to the empire and history emphasised military heroism. ^[212] Daniel Parry-Jones  [ Wikidata ], who was born in 1891 and a Welsh-speaker with difficulties understanding his lessons, ^[213] remembered learning at school that English was "the language of the boss-nation. Vaguely we knew that something had happened in the past to bring about such a state of things, which we now calmly accepted and went our own way of business." ^[214] Schools organised annual celebrations for Empire Day from 1902. At Fishguard National School in 1909, children lined up in the playground to salute the Union Flag being raised, sang British and Welsh patriotic songs before receiving lessons on the British Empire. ^[215]

School inspectors sometimes encouraged the teaching of Welsh patriotic songs. For instance, the use of Men of Harlech and Hen Wlad fy Nhadau (Land of my Fathers) at schools in Denbighshire and Flintshire was praised in a school inspection report from the early 1880s. Teaching about a school's locality was encouraged and some teachers taught lessons on Welsh history and geography as part of this. ^[216] In 1893, government guidance encouraged elementary schools in Welsh-speaking areas to teach poetry and songs in that language. They were also told to focus on Wales in their history and geography lessons. ^[193] Johnes argues that there was little emphasis on Welsh patriotism in schools during the late 19th century. A situation that received some criticism at the time. ^{[216] [note 25]}

The Welsh department encouraged the teaching of Welsh history and geography in elementary schools after its creation in 1907. ^{[218] [note 26]} Various textbooks which portrayed history with a strong sense of Welsh patriotism were available in the early 20th century. ^[220] Morgan Thomas described her elementary school history lessons as a series of violent stories — "Every page was red with blood." — about conflict between the mediaeval Welsh and English. ^[166] Dannie Abse, who grew up during the interwar period, remembered that one of his teachers appeared close to crying when he told the class that Owain Glyndŵr had been a hero and read them extracts from Flame Bearers of Welsh History (1905), a patriotic history book by Owen Rhoscomyl. ^{[220] [note 27]}

Johnes argues that the intention of teaching Welsh topics was not to undermine British patriotism but to ensure it was not exclusively focused on England. ^[221] Welsh department guidance for schools celebrated the contribution of Welsh individuals to the British state. ^{[note 28]} A pamphlet from 1915 compared Glyndŵr's rebellion to the resistance of the people of Serbia and Belgium, Britain's allies, against the central powers' invasions of their countries. ^[224] A teacher working in Canton, Cardiff in the early 1920s, who was a committed British patriot, aimed to combine the two national allegiances. She explained to the children that the Union Flag was flown in countries around the world "to show that it belongs to us and we are going to rule that land". ^[225] She taught her class about the importance of Welsh mining to the British economy and Royal Navy. They made model daffodils, learnt the lyrics to God Bless The Prince of Wales and listened to stories about Welshmen who fought for liberty. ^[225]

The earliest examples of school celebrations for St David's Day were organised by advocates of more use of Welsh in schools in the late 19th century; although few records of such activities exist from before 1900. ^[226] The Welsh department began to encourage schools to organise celebrations in the early 1910s. ^[227] Schools in the Rhondda in 1914 marked the occasion with marching, patriotic songs, Welsh dancing, performances, reciting poetry and traditional Welsh costumes. ^{[228] [note 29]}

The Welsh Department's pamphlet Patriotism: Suggestions to Local Education Authorities & Teachers in Wales Regarding the Teaching of Patriotism (1915) argued that the teaching of patriotism towards Wales and the wider British Empire was important in the context of the First World War. ^{[230] [note 30]} The pamphlet was commercially successful ^[232] and widely praised at the time. ^[233] Many elementary schools introduced activities for St David's Day in response. These often included lessons on the importance of patriotism, artistic activities and display of the Union Flag. Pupils also often sung the Welsh, British and the other members of the Triple Entente's national anthems. Schools in more Welsh-speaking areas tended to put more emphasis on the language, sometimes using the slogan Nid Cenedl heb Iaith, nid Cymro heb Gymraeg (No nation without a language, no Welshman without Welsh). The nature of the celebrations depended on the preferences of the head teacher. ^[234] Schools' interest in celebrating St David's Day declined after the end of the First World War. ^{[235] [note 31]}

Politics, laws and administration

Under the Endowed Schools Act 1869, the Endowed Schools Commission and later the Charity Commission could reorganise existing endowments for secondary education in order to provide girls' schools. Eleven schemes of this nature were proposed in Wales between 1874 and 1880; nine were implemented. ^[236] The North Wales Scholarship Association was established by Hugh Owen in 1879, to provide scholarships to secondary schools for children in the region. ^[237] Research conducted by the Aberdare Committee, in the early 1880s, suggested that a majority of children attending secondary schools were at private schools without an endowment. ^[238] There were various private girls' schools in Wrexham, which advertised in The Wrexham Advertiser and the North Wales Guardian. The two newspapers also reported on prize days in the schools. ^[239] Some families sent their children to school in England. ^[77]

The Aberdare Committee was created by the Liberal government in 1880 in order to investigate the condition of Welsh secondary and higher education. ^[240] The committee's report, which was published the following year, argued that improved secondary education was needed for "the middle and lower-middle class, the tradesmen in the town and the farmers in the rural districts". ^[241] It recommended a hierarchical system of secondary schools to cater to different social classes. A small group would aim to prepare students for Oxbridge. A larger number would be more practically orientated and send students to the Welsh university colleges. ^[242] The Welsh Intermediate Education Act 1889 led to the creation of more than 80 schools in the second group. A few in the first category were also created or adopted into the system and allowed to charge higher fees. ^[243] The intermediate schools were run by committees of local officials in each county. They were funded by a mixture of fees, local taxation and grants from the central government. The intermediate schools catered better for rural areas than densely populated urban areas. ^[23] The creation of higher elementary schools in these areas was recommended by the committee and later encouraged by the government. ^[244]

The Central Welsh Board (CWD) was established in 1896 to inspect and organise examinations for the intermediate schools. It was composed of local officials and employees of intermediate schools or university colleges. ^[245] The 1902 Education Act gave LECs the power to establish municipal secondary schools which were outside the control of CWD. ^[246] Some higher elementary schools were also upgraded to this level. ^[242] After the creation of the Welsh department, there were frequent power-struggles between it and the CWD. ^[247] The press was sympathetic to the CWB seeing it as representing Welsh autonomy. ^{[248] [note 32]} These conflicts were eventually resolved in 1925 when the two organisations agreed to cooperate on school inspections. ^[250]

Around 7,400 children were attending state-funded Welsh secondary schools in 1900, ^[173] rising to 16,500 in 1914. ^[251] The large majority of these students had originated from state-funded elementary schools. ^[252] In the latter year, young people in Wales were more likely to enroll at secondary school or university than anywhere else in western Europe other than Scotland. ^[253] Enrolment rose sharply in the later years of the First World War; which caused practical problems for schools that were unable to expand due to the war and had lost many of there male teachers to military service. ^[254] The number of children in Wales fell sharply during the interwar period, allowing a growing proportion to gain a place at secondary school. ^[255] Around 18 per cent of the relevant age group were attending secondary schools in 1928/1929, rising to 33 per cent in 1939. This change was not supported by the central government which viewed it as unnecessary. ^{[18] [note 33]}

Under the 1889 Act, between 10 per cent and 20 per cent of the students at intermediate schools were to be given scholarships and half of this group would pay no fees. ^[257] A quarter of students were exempted from paying fees under a government scheme introduced across Wales and England in 1907. ^[258] A majority of municipal secondary schools did not charge fees; ^[259] by the mid-1920s, almost 90 per cent of students at these schools were not paying to attend. ^[260] In 1932, 68 per cent of places at Welsh secondary schools were free. ^[261]

A bursary scheme was established by the 1889 Act to help some students' families with costs linked to attending secondary school. ^[257] In 1913, boys spent an average of 2 years and 6 months at secondary school. The average for girls was 3 years and 1 month. Keeping a child at secondary school and giving up the wage they could otherwise earn was financially difficult for many parents. ^{[262] [note 34]} Early leaving from secondary school declined during the early interwar period. ^[264] In the 1920s, many local authorities required parents to sign agreements stating that they would keep their children at secondary school for a minimum of four years. They were encouraged by the Welsh department but some were unwilling; believing that such agreements would not help due to the financial pressures on parents. ^[265] The decline of leaving before the age of sixteen continued in the 1930s; some head teachers felt that students were being put off leaving early by high unemployment. ^[266]

In 1932, the government wanted to raise more money from school fees. Free places would be replaced by special places. Students with special places would pay no or varied fees depending on their parents' income. ^[267] The government received 206 formal complaints from Wales about the proposed changes; this was higher, relative to population, than any English region. The complaints generally came from religious organisations and trade unions. Much of the frustration was due to a feeling that the government was interfering with a Welsh desire for free secondary education. ^{[268] [note 35]} The government felt that working-class people were unable to understand the proposals. ^{[270] [note 36]} The proportion of special places was larger than the proportion of free places that been offered previously and, by 1936, each Welsh local authority had universal special places at some or all of its secondary schools. The extent of poverty in Wales meant that most of these children's families were exempt from fees; the proportion of Welsh students not paying initially slightly increased and fell modestly to 64 per cent by 1938. ^[271]

Curriculum and conditions

Intermediate schools were encouraged by the government to teach a mixture of academic, scientific and practical subjects. The typical curriculum consisted of English, Latin, mathematics, history, geography and French. A significant minority of schools taught Greek at the start of the CWB's existence, but that figure shrunk rapidly. German and Spanish were much less popular. The most widely taught science was chemistry, though botany was preferred at girls school. Practical subjects were not common, especially those intended for boys. ^[272] Higher elementary schools taught a similar curriculum ^[273] but put more emphasis on practical subjects. ^[24] Edwards felt that secondary schools were excessively academic and blamed the CWB's examination system for this. He wanted more emphasis on practical subjects relevant to the local economy; for instance, quarrying or agriculture. His views did not align with Welsh public opinion; parents sent there sons to secondary school in the hope that it would allow them to avoid dangerous, manual labour. ^[274] The curriculum taught at secondary schools changed little during the early 20th century. ^[275]

In 1914, a majority of secondary schools students were girls. ^{[251] [note 37]} Edwards joked in a speech in Ruthin during 1913 that if he asked "should women be educated?" the audience would think "from what kind of geological formation does this ancient fossil emerge?" ^[276] In 1897, 38 of the intermediate schools were single-sex, 36 taught both sexes in a segregated manner and six taught both sexes together. ^{[273] [note 38]} Welsh and English girls secondary schools, in the late 19th century, increasingly taught an academic curriculum close to that taught to boys. The intermediate schools conformed with that trend. ^[278] However, there was also support from campaigners for female education ^[279] and school inspectors ^[280] for an emphasis on practical subjects. This was understood to mean the subjects that would prepare girls for housework. These topics featured in, while not dominating, girls lessons. ^{[281] [note 39]}

The CWB encouraged the teaching of Welsh at secondary schools in Welsh-speaking areas in 1896. ^[283] The Welsh Department's 1907 guidance to secondary schools stated that Welsh should be one of the languages taught as well as English in Welsh-speaking areas. The guidance was modified in 1909 to state that any subject could be taught in Welsh if the school wished. ^[284] The 1927 government report Welsh in Education and Life ^[285] noted that most secondary schools taught Welsh as a subject, but none used it as their main language of instruction. Greater numbers of children took exams in French, which was considered more useful by parents and teachers. At some schools, assemblies and performances were conducted in Welsh. ^[286]

Head teachers often modelled the schools on English public schools; introducing uniforms, prefects, clubs and Saturday sport. ^[287] Girls at Pontypridd County School were warned by their headmistress in a 1906 open letter not to damage the school's reputation through "your conduct outside — by talking in loud unladylike tones, by unseemly language and behaviour, and by disrespectful remarks about your masters and mistresses [teachers]." ^[288] Schools were often small, especially outside of South East Wales. ^[289] This was in order to allow most children to attend secondary schools relatively near their own homes. ^{[290] [note 40]} Journeys to school could still be long. ^{[291] [note 41]} Singing and physical education were compulsory in secondary schools; some students took exams in art. ^[293] The patriotic atmosphere during the First World War had some influence on schools. ^{[294] [note 42]} The 1927 government report noted that St David's Day was celebrated at almost all secondary schools. ^[295]

In their early years, the intermediate schools used qualifications from a variety of exam boards. ^{[296] [note 43]} The higher elementary school in Llanelli entered students into exams, organised by the Science and Art Department, in the sciences, mathematics and drawing. ^[296] Students at higher elementary schools did not gain qualifications necessary to enter certain occupations, such as the civil service. ^[298] The establishment of the CWB simplified the system. ^[297] The Junior Certificate (introduced in 1899) was usually taken after two years at secondary school, the Senior Certificate after four and the Higher Certificate (introduced in 1911) after five. The Honours Certificate was for students who wished to enter university. ^[299] The Commercial Certificate and Technical Certificate, introduced in 1900 to promote the study of practical subjects, ^[300] were taken by few students. ^[299] The Junior, Honours, Technical and Commercial certificates were all abolished between the First World War and 1924. By the mid-1920s, the two qualifications taken were the School Certificate (the renamed Senior Certificate) and the Higher Certificate. ^[301]

Continuation classes and specialist education

Continuation classes, for teenagers and adults, were organised by school boards in elementary' school buildings during the late 19th century. ^[302] Government grants were originally only offered for students under the age of 21 and for study of the three R's. ^[303] Officials hoped that these classes would encourage an enthusiasm for learning among the adult population, which would have a positive influence on children. They had limited popularity. Students often considered the content of lessons overly basic and adults viewed being taught alongside teenagers as degrading. They struggled to compete with popular entertainment, such as music halls, and political adult education which gained popularity as younger people became disillusioned with the liberal party. ^[304]

The curriculum offered by evening classes expanded in the mid-1890s; ^[305] the government funding system had been reformed early in the decade to include older students and be based on attendance. ^[303] The subjects taught included "book-keeping, shorthand, cookery, woodcarving, ambulance work and handicrafts". ^[306] Llangollen Evening Class was praised by school inspectors in 1908 for its course in Welsh, intended for more able students entering the Eisteddfod , and drawing. ^[35] Grigg and Roderick suggest that the limited success of evening classes in Wales — relative to their English, Scottish and Irish counterparts — reflected a wider lack of interest in science and engineering skills. A career in these areas required a large vocabulary in English which was many people's second language. Welsh industry had little need for these skills and the demand that did exist was usually filled by migrants from Scotland or North East England. Welsh society placed more value on religion and culture. ^[307]

Clio was a training ship docked in the Menai Strait; it was designed to prepare adolescent boys from various backgrounds to become sailors. ^[308] It received visits from school inspectors. ^[306] The Welsh National Home Reading Union was a reading club organised by advocates of the Welsh language in around 1900. Members paid between 1s and 3s depending on how difficult they wanted their reading to be. They were sent a list of books, half or more of which were in Welsh, and could win prizes for reading enough of the list. ^[309]

University colleges

Theological colleges, which originated in the 17th century, offered an advanced level of education linked to nonconformity. ^[310] Witnesses to the Aberdare Committee in 1880 noted that many of the colleges' pupils were from the "common people" paying "little or nothing for their support". ^[311]

In 1853 Benjamin Thomas Williams wrote a pamphlet, The Desirableness of a University of Wales, which argued for the creation of a non-sectarian university. The following year, a group of Welshmen of high status gathered to discuss the idea of a university organised on the model of the University of Ireland. In 1857 a scheme was established to create a university in Wales which quickly broke down. Afterwards there was little progress due to the need for government funding at a time when the government was focused on paying for the Crimean War. ^[312] By 1867 only £5,000 had been raised. The Castle Hotel, Aberystwyth was bought that year for fundraising efforts. Hugh Owen, a civil servant, retired to dedicate himself to fundraising. He quickly collected £7,000 mainly in small donations from ordinary people across Wales. By 1874 the debt on the buildings had been repaid. ^[313]

In 1872 the University College of Wales, Aberystwyth was opened. The students, who were mainly aged 14 to 25, were often ill-prepared for university. This was especially true of those studying science. Jones and Roderick argued that this reflected the mediocre nature of secondary education in Wales at the time. Some older men also came to study, these were frequently farmers who studied agriculture. ^[314] Women were initially excluded from the University College but their admission soon received some support. ^{[315] [note 44]} Joseph Parry was employed by the college in 1874 to teach music and his classes were mixed sex. ^[316] This situation received some discomfort within the university. ^{[317] [note 45]} The college was struggling financially in the late 1870s and decided to restrict music lessons to male art students. ^[319]

In 1880 the Aberdare Committee recommended the creation of two university colleges in North and South Wales funded by the government. This led to the creation of the University College of South Wales and Monmouthshire, Cardiff and University College in North Wales, Bangor in 1883. The original university college gained its own grant in 1886. ^[320] Initially the colleges were affiliated with the University of London. In 1893 the University of Wales was established as an overarching university for the colleges with the power to issue degrees. By 1900 the colleges were teaching a wide range of subjects relating to the arts and sciences. However they remained heavily reliant on the state and had less success with developing a technological curriculum. ^[321]

The three university colleges were admitting women by the middle of the 1880s, ^[322] having established separate university halls of residence where female students were closely supervised. ^[323] Students were sometimes disciplined for socialising with those of the opposite sex. ^{[324] [note 46]} Separation of the sexes was a form of reassurance for worried parents and reflective of a wider trend in this period as women were gaining more of a role in public life. ^[325] Some supporters of higher education for women argued that it could give them access to professions and financial independence. ^[326] However, the emphasis was often more on the perceived benefits better educated women could bring to the family home. ^[327] In 1900, 38 per cent of university students in Wales were women, a much larger percentage than in England or Scotland. ^[328] A majority of these women were students at Day Training Departments at the university colleges, which offered teacher training. ^[329]

The colleges of the University of Wales physically expanded in the early 20th century. While two of the colleges developed courses in agriculture funded by the state, the University College of South Wales and Monmouthshire had less success developing technical subjects. Jones and Roderick wrote that this was due to scepticism towards formal education on the part of industrialists, snobbishness towards vocational training among academics and a lack of financial support from the government. Universities were disrupted by the First World War with many students volunteering. ^[330] The University College of Swansea was founded in 1920 and gained a reputation for science and technology. ^{[331] [note 47]}

While the colleges had working-class students, the economic conditions of the Great Depression prevented many of even the most academic young people from attending. In the 1938/39 academic year there were 663 students in Aberystwyth, 485 in Bangor, 970 in Cardiff, 488 in Swansea and 173 in the medical school. More than 90 per cent had been born in Wales. ^[332] All teaching at the colleges was conducted in English, in order to ensure their work would be respected outside Wales. ^{[333] [note 48]} The colleges were often criticised by Welsh nationalists as promoting the English language and an English outlook on life. ^[333] The University of Wales Press and Board of Celtic Studies were founded in 1922, expanding the publishing of research. The latter included a committee intended to promote publishing in Welsh. ^[331]

Political education

There were also other means of gaining access to higher education in the early 20th century connected to left-wing politics. The Workers' Educational Association set up classes intended to encourage discussion of the social problems of the time. It was fairly moderate in its outlook, aiming to develop a sense of democratic citizenship in its students and arguing for a reconciliation between the interests of capital and labour. This lack of radicalism undermined its popularity but by 1924 the association had 4,000 students in 200 teaching groups. The Coleg Harlech was established with similar aims by Thomas Jones in 1927. ^[334]

Beginning in 1906, the South Wales Miners' Federation established a scholarship to Ruskin College. These students were known for their left-wing militancy contributing to the Ruskin College strike in 1909. ^[335] The union then contributed to the Central Labour College which existed sporadically for the next twenty years and inculcated Marxist ideas in coal-mining areas. Its classes were initially far more popular than the Workers Educational Association. An intense rivalry developed between the two organisations in the interwar years when the Workers Educational Association gained government funding and became more effective at appealing to trade unionists. ^[336]

Contemporary views

Welsh educated opinion often celebrated the condition of Wales' education system at the turn of the 20th century, believing that rapid progress had been made. ^[337] Various commentators in the late 19th and early 20th centuries described punishments for speaking Welsh at school as belonging to a past, more primitive era. ^{[338] [note 49]} By the interwar period, educated opinion was becoming more cynical about the school system. ^{[339] [note 50]} The weakness of the Welsh economy meant that many young people travelled to England to find work. ^[341] Gwarant Williams, an alderman in Carmarthenshire, commented in the 1930s; "if you want to keep your children in the country, don't give them any education at all". ^[342]

There was also a growing awareness that the Welsh language was declining which education was sometimes blamed for. ^[343] Some contemporaries blamed the British government for the exclusion of Welsh from education. ^{[344] [note 51]} Others felt that it was a mistake that Welsh society was to blame for ^{[343] [note 52]} or viewed it as an attempt to help children learn English. ^{[346] [note 53]} Numerous memoirs of childhoods during the late 19th century recalled the experience of being punished for speaking Welsh at school with a sense of bitterness. ^{[note 54]} Johnes comments that most of these writers were "at the very least cultural nationalists and had a strong political sense of Wales". He suggests that, rather than this influencing their memories, their experiences as children may have been partially the reason for their political views. ^{[349] [note 55]}

Some teachers felt their pupils were enthusiastic to learn. ^[351] The son of a teacher recalled in his 1943 autobiography that one of his father's former pupils had visited their home to express thanks for being taught arithmetic and to speak English. ^[352] Certain former pupils recalled their experience of schooling favourably. ^{[351] [note 56]} Morgan Thomas wrote that her classmates had valued education, as it was privilege their ancestors had struggled for. ^{[169] [note 57]} She described proudly the financial contribution working-class people had made to the first Welsh university college. ^[354] Parents were sometimes interested in their children's progress and complained if they disliked how schools functioned. ^[355] Oral history research conducted later in the 20th century suggested that many people who were punished for speaking Welsh at school during this period viewed the experience with indifference. They often felt that learning English was necessary and were accepting of the limitations of their schooling. ^{[356] [note 58]}

Smith suggests that the low attendance of many Welsh schoolchildren challenges the idea that there was mass enthusiasm for education. ^[358] Jones comments that parents who sent their children to secondary school were motivated by a desire to improve their children's economic prospects rather than any idealistic support for education. ^[359] Some parents apposed subjects they considered irrelevant being taught at elementary schools. ^[360] Children often misbehaved at school. ^[16] Some children damaged schools property' or physically attacked their teachers. ^[361] Certain children longed to leave school. ^{[362] [note 59]} Johnes suggests that these attitudes reflected childhood naivety about working life; when they grew up, some working-class people blamed poor schooling for their lack of social mobility. ^[363]

Effectiveness of language teaching

HMI Shadrach Price commented in the early 1880s that "... a fair proportion of the children ... are not totally ignorant of English, even in country districts, when they first enter school. They have learnt a few English expressions at the market town, or at the railway station, or from an English family settled in the neighbourhood, and in numberless other ways ..." ^[364] Children practised the language by playing with the children of English-speaking migrants in some areas. ^[365] In others, tourism and commerce increased local people's exposure to English. ^[366] The increased use of Welsh in schools made the teaching of English more effective. ^[367] In the 1891 census, the first to ask about language abilities in Wales, 69 per cent of people over the age of two were listed as able to speak English. Johnes argues that the census likely underestimated the number of people with some knowledge of the language. ^[368] The 1901 census indicated that young adults (aged 15 to 24) in each Welsh county were more likely to be bilingual than children (aged 3 to 14). Statistics for Merionethshire suggested that older children were more likely to be able to speak English than younger ones. ^[369] English language music hall, theatre and newspapers gained popularity. ^[370] Some people attempted to teach themselves the language. ^[371] The proportion of people over the age of three who were listed as English-speakers increased to 91 per cent in the 1911 census ^[372] and 96 per cent in the 1931 census. ^[373]

A large minority of young adults in North West and West Wales were described as unable to speak English on the 1901 census. Between 40 per cent and 25 per cent of people in that age group in Anglesey, Caernarfonshire, Merionethshire, Cardiganshire and Carmarthenshire were listed as solely Welsh speaking. A majority of children over the age of ten in rural areas of Merionethshire were unable to speak English. ^[369] Teachers sometimes felt that many children learnt little English. ^{[374] [note 60]} Cassie Davies  [ cy ], who grew up in a rural area of Cardiganshire during the Edwardian period, became literate in English and gained a place at a secondary school. She was frightened about starting at the new school as she had not been taught how to speak English. ^[375] By the middle of the 20th century, most remaining sole Welsh speakers were young children or elderly people. Though there were still 16,800 working aged people in that category on the 1951 census. ^[376]

Welsh speakers could also grow up with limited literacy in that language. A 1886 report by the school inspectorate argued that, as well as being unable to understand an English book, most school leavers in Welsh speaking areas were unable to fully comprehend a Welsh language book. ^[377] Daniel Parry-Jones  [ Wikidata ] remembered that, while he struggled at his weekday school, he made "extraordinary progress" at his Sunday school conducted in Welsh. ^[213] Sunday schools often taught children to read but not to write in Welsh and attendance was not universal. ^[378] The 1971 census, the first to ask about Welsh language literacy, indicated that a significant minority of adult Welsh-speakers could not write or to a lesser extent read in the language. ^[379] Owen Edwards argued in 1913 that the teaching of Welsh as a subject was often poor. ^{[380] [note 61]}

Language change and influence of education

The spread of English did not necessarily lead to the decline of Welsh. For instance, a man born in 1890 said in an interview in old age that being educated in English had no effect on the language used in his village because everyone he knew spoke Welsh. ^[381] Speaking Welsh was practically useful in many areas and gave individuals a sense of belonging to their locality. ^[382] In the middle of the 20th century, there were rural parts of North West Wales where almost everyone was listed on the census as a Welsh speaker. ^[376]

On the 1891 census, 45 per cent of people in Wales were listed as solely English-speakers. ^[383] This group had increased to 63 per cent in the 1921 census ^[32] and 72 per cent by 1951. ^[384] In the late 19th and early 20th centuries, industrial areas of eastern Wales attracted a large number of migrants from England ^[385] and Ireland. ^[386] In these areas, English increasingly replaced Welsh as the language used in public situations such as workplaces and children's games. ^{[385] [387]} Religious devotion was declining by the end of the 19th century and a growing proportion of chapels in industrial areas were conducted in English. As Welsh had previously been associated with religion, this removed much of the appeal of maintaining the Welsh language. ^[388] Studies conducted in more English-speaking areas in the late 19th century suggested that some Welsh-speakers were not passing Welsh onto their children; although, it is unclear how common this was. A 1927 government report indicated that, in urban areas, a significant proportion of secondary school pupils with Welsh-speaking parents were not regularly speaking the language at home. ^[389] Johnes comments that language change may have happened gradually; first language Welsh-speakers increasingly speaking English in private as they used it more in public. ^{[390] [note 62]} By the interwar period, young people in predominantly English-speaking areas often associated Welsh with the past and religion. ^{[393] [note 63]}

Speaking to a government inquiry in 1887, Isambard Owen speculated that the exclusion of Welsh from their education might be making children hostile to the language and Wales as a nation. ^[394] Some contemporaries believed that education was changing children's preferred language from Welsh to English. ^{[395] [note 64]} Johnes suggests that children may have been influenced if their teachers encouraged them to speak English outside of school or told them that Welsh had little value. ^[396] He argued that the experience of having Welsh excluded from their education would likely have had more influence later in life, contributing to adult Welsh speakers in more English-speaking areas choosing to raise their children in English. However, there is no evidence of individuals saying that they did not pass on Welsh to their children because of their schooling. ^[397]

Historians and cultural memory

Johnes comments that the 1870 Elementary Education Act is usually seen, somewhat inaccurately, as having established state education. In a Welsh context, it is often believed to have created a school system which was hostile to the language. ^{[174] [note 65]} School punishments for speaking Welsh have sometimes been portrayed in media depictions of this period. ^{[399] [note 66]} Johnes comments that some historians have believed that Welsh-medium education could have been introduced in the late 19th century in order to preserve the language. He felt that this is viewing history from a modern perspective, noting that there was little support for that idea and a confidence about the status of Welsh culture at the time. ^[401] Similarly, Smith argues that the protection of the Welsh language was not a focus of political debate until anxiety developed about its decline in the interwar period. ^[402]

Almost all newlyweds were able to sign the marriage register by the outbreak of the First World War. ^[403] In the 1860s, the figure had been less than 60 per cent in some Welsh counties. ^[404] Huw Williams and T.M Bassett, historians who researched the intermediate school Ysgol Brynrefail, argued that secondary education allowed young people to achieved social mobility. The study examined the occupations of three generations of families linked to the school; the parents of students in the interwar period, those students and their children. It found that the number of professionals or white-collar workers increased over the generations and the number of craftsmen fell. ^[275]

Johnes comments that the emphasis on British patriotism in their education may have contributed to bilingual Welsh and English speakers in urban areas deciding to raise their children in the latter language. However, he also argues that nationality was not especially important to most people in this period outside of wartime and that some Welsh-speakers would have had difficulties understanding their lessons. ^[405] Johnes suggests that learning about the different cultures within the British empire may have made children feel more comfortable being both Welsh and British. He also comments that the racism taught in such lessons might have given children a sense of superiority which undermined any feelings of inferiority that came from being educated in their second language. ^[406]

R.T. Jenkins argued that Owen Edwards did little to change the Welsh school system. Ann Keane, an academic who has written about Edwards' role in the school inspectorate, was sceptical of that view. She commented that in the early 20th century many Welsh people had been educated in schools that excluded the Welsh culture and language. Welsh speakers' priority was there children developing fluency in English in order to improve their economic prospects. She argues that Edwards aimed "to convince the Welsh people that it was important to acknowledge and respect their own language and identity and understand something of their own culture and history". ^[407] In Keane's view, he had limited powers, but used them towards that goal. ^[408]

Welsh nationalists in the post-war period often attributed the limited support they received from the Welsh public to people having been educated in a school system which lacked Welsh patriotism. Johnes argues this view is partially unfair; he comments that schools were largely autonomous before the Second World War and that the nature of history lessons would have depended on the preferences of individual teachers. He nevertheless felt that "... it is not unreasonable to suggest that the lack of Welsh history in schools contributed to the weaknesses in Welsh identity at the start of the post-war period." ^[409]

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